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Clinton Defends Civil Society

  • July 19, 2010
  • Will Marshall

President Obama has reorganized U.S. foreign policy around a new trinity of diplomacy, development and defense. That’s been a sore point among some progressive internationalists, who see the omission of a fourth “d” – democracy – as an overreaction to George W. Bush’s messianic freedom agenda.

Administration officials insist that they aren’t abandoning democracy, just promoting it in new and more subtle ways. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton recently offered an intriguing case in point.

As Americans celebrated Independence Day, Clinton was in Krakow, Poland for the 10th anniversary gathering of the Community of Democracies. In an important speech that got little attention back home, she unveiled what she called a 21st century approach to promoting democracy by defending civil society. Clinton described an independent civic sector as a nursery for democratic citizenship, no less critical to a free society than representative government and a market economy. And she warned of a spreading global backlash against civil society.

Over the last six years, Clinton noted, 50 governments have clamped down on the ability of civil society or non-governmental organizations to operate freely. She called out persistent violators by name: not just usual suspects like Russia, China and Iran, but also aspiring autocracies like Venezuela under Hugo Chavez and some, such as Egypt and Ethiopia, that are closely allied with Washington. “An attack on civic activism and civil society is an attack on democracy,” she told the assembly.

This marks a significant departure from the Bush administration’s approach to democracy, which centered on demands for elections and accountable political institutions. “All who live in tyranny and hopelessness can know: the United States will not ignore your oppression, or excuse your oppressors. When you stand for your liberty, we will stand with you,” Bush declared in his 2004 inaugural address. Against the backdrop of the war in Iraq and the war on terror, however, Bush’s freedom agenda acquired a menacing and coercive aura. And when the United States insisted on elections in Gaza, only to see Hamas win in 2006, many critics questioned whether elections are always the right starting point in democracy promotion.

Clinton aimed more modestly, but shrewdly, at bolstering a particular aspect of liberty – freedom of association. In authoritarian countries, civil society or “third sector” organizations play an especially vital role in building the infrastructure of liberal democracy. The United States learned the hard way during the Bush years that democracy can rarely be imposed by force, and from the top down. Support for local voluntary associations, on the other hand, is harder to caricature as some heavy-handed U.S. attempt to “export democracy.” Yet it’s deeply subversive, in that it enables indigenous reformers to carve out space for civic action that is independent of state control. By defending the right of CSOs to organize and operate, and receive international support, the United States and other free countries can promote democracy from the ground up.

Also intriguing was Secretary Clinton’s choice of venue. The Community of Democracies (CD) was launched in 2000 by then Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs Bronisław Geremek. Although originally seen as a way to consolidate the wave of democratic reformism that swept the world after the end of the Cold War, the Community often seemed adrift during the last decade. Lax membership rules haven’t helped: some of its 104 members aren’t by any stretch genuine democracies.

If it is going to be a force for democratic solidarity in the world, the CD needs a clear and invigorating mission. Clinton suggested one: rallying the world’s democracies to support embattled civil society groups. She proposed a four-part plan:

  1. Setting up a mechanism at the CD for monitoring repressive measures against civil society organizations.
  2. Encouraging the United Nations Human Rights Council to champion the right of association.
  3. Enlisting regional organizations such as the Organization of American States, the African Union and the Arab League to protect civil society.
  4. Creating some sort of “rapid response mechanism” to bring joint diplomatic pressure to bear on governments that suppress civil society.

In addition, Clinton said the United States would contribute $2 million to a new fund dedicated to helping NGOs targeted by repressive rulers.

True, these are not especially bold measures. And the Human Rights Council, dominated by autocratic regimes, can scarcely be trusted to defend human rights, let alone the right to associate. But Clinton rather deftly managed to elevate the issue of defending civil society without turning it into a purely American demand or preoccupation. In fact, a CD working group headed by Canada is expected to take the lead.

An internationalist approach, in which America coaxes rather than trying to dominate, is essential at a time when distrust of U.S. unilateralism still lingers, even in a relatively friendly forum like the CD. Our task now is to work with like-minded countries to make defense of civil society an international norm, just as Americans were instrumental in getting the United Nations to adopt the International Declaration of Human Rights after World War II. In this respect, Secretary Clinton’s speech was a strong start.

Photo Credit: nrbelex

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