USA Today: Old rules make Internet more expensive

If the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) votes to “reclassify” the Internet as a public utility, U.S. consumers will have to dig deeper into their pockets to pay for access to the Internet.

How deep? By our estimates, broadband subscribers would have to pay about $70 annually in additional state and local fees. When you add it all up, reclassification could add a whopping $15 billion in new user fees to consumer bills.

At issue is whether Internet service providers (ISPs) — telco and cable companies — should be regulated as public utilities under Title II of the Communications Act of 1934. Activists pushing for this approach — echoed recently by President Obama — claim it is the only way to protect “net neutrality.” Critics argue that there are better ways to ensure an open Internet without subjecting ISPs to archaic regulations designed for the old Ma Bell telephone monopoly.

Missing from this debate until now is any serious assessment of what Title II regulation would cost broadband consumers. So we ran the numbers and discovered there is nothing but bad news on this front. Once Internet access service is labeled a “telecommunications service” under Title II, consumer broadband services could become subject to a whole host of new taxes and fees.

Although these fees are paid by broadband providers, history shows — and economic models of competitive markets predict — that these charges are passed along to customers, just as they are now on your phone bill.

The Internet Tax Freedom Act pending in Congress might limit the impact of some of these taxes and fees, but not all of them. And while the FCC has the power to limit the amount of the federal Universal Service Fee, recent history shows the FCC is more likely to increase USF than reduce it. Perhaps most telling — even the staunchest defenders of Title II acknowledge that various federal and state authorities could impose billions in new charges if broadband is reclassified as a utility.

Continue reading at USA Today.

 

 

CNN: We’re all culpable over CIA torture

While studiously avoiding the word “torture,” CIA Director John Brennan told reporters on Thursday that the aggressive interrogation program yielded information that helped the agency find Osama bin Laden. He also called the Senate Intelligence Committee’s damning report on CIA abuses “flawed” by partisanship, as well as “exaggerations and misrepresentations.”

Brennan’s comments are certain to pour oil on the already raging debate over what constitutes torture, how effective it is and who authorized what in the chaotic days and months after the 9/11 attacks. They also put the Obama administration squarely in the crossfire between Democrats defending the committee’s handiwork and Republicans and former CIA chiefs trashing it.

The culmination of a six-year investigation, the committee Democrats’ report was intended to provide a moment of moral reckoning for America. Instead, it has underscored Washington’s inability to rise above partisan truths and forge a common view on how to defend the country from terrorist attacks.

As an exercise in political accountability, a comprehensive report on the CIA’s detention and interrogation of terrorist suspects after 9/11 is overdue. In its otherwise commendable zeal to avert further terrorist attacks, the agency sometimes overstepped the bounds of decency.

Continue reading at CNN.

Free Energy Trade: Time to Lift the Oil Export Ban

In July 2014, the United States passed Saudi Arabia and Russia to become the world’s biggest oil producer for the first time since 1970. This dramatic turn of events marked the end of an era in U.S. energy policy—an era that began in the 1970s with two oil embargoes, soaring gas prices, and growing dependence on imported oil, especially from the Middle East.

For better or worse—and some environmentalists think it’s definitely for worse—America unexpectedly finds itself richly endowed with fossil fuels again. The question now is how can we take advantage of this new energy abundance without accelerating global warming?

The answer, in PPI’s view, lies in a balanced national energy strategy that promotes both economic growth and a healthy environment. Such a strategy would capitalize on the domestic shale oil and gas boom while also enabling America to meet its international commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. There are two ways to square that circle. One is to boost public investment in energy-related research and development. The other is to price carbon accurately, which will spur more investment in efficiency, clean tech innovation, and renewable and nuclear energy.

This approach steers a pragmatic course between “drill baby drill” conservatives, who ignore or deny the overwhelming scientific evidence for climate change, and extreme environmentalists who imagine that Americans will go along with their demands to keep the nation’s shale bounty “in the ground.”

Download “2014.12-Freeman_Free-Energy-Trade_Time-to-Lift-the-Oil-Export-Ban.pdf/”

Consumer Bills Could Soar Under Title II

If the FCC decides to define broadband service as a telecommunications service, broadband services would become subject to state fees that apply to telecom services.  The attached report by PPI Senior Fellow Hal Singer and Brookings Institution Non-Resident Senior Fellow Bob Litan quantifies these new fees.

  • New State and Local Fees: Average annual increase of $67 for wireline broadband and $72 for mobile broadband. All told, American consumers could pay $15 billion in new state and local fees.
  • Real-World Example: For a Maryland household with one wireline and two wireless broadband connections, the monthly increase in state and local fees could be as much as $34; in California, the monthly increase for a comparable household could reach $44. These figures do not include any new federal charges, which would raise the monthly cost further.

Top 5 States by New Wireline Fees

  1. California (up to $167.09 per year)
  2. Alaska ($148.34)
  3. Pennsylvania ($144.90)
  4. Louisiana ($141.49)
  5. Illinois ($138.79)

Top 5 States by New Mobile Broadband Fees

  1. California (up to $178.82 per year)
  2. Pennsylvania ($154.64)
  3. Alaska ($153.88)
  4. Louisiana ($153.12)
  5. Oklahoma ($149.80)

Regulating Broadband as a Telecommunications Service Will Subject Consumers to Billions in New Fees

(Calculations Assume One Wireline and One Wireless Connection Per Consumer)

State Monthly Increase Range Annual Increase Range
Alabama $9.41 – $9.41 $112.95 – $112.95
Alaska $16.14 – $25.19 $193.66 – $302.22
Arizona $9.05 – $16.30 $108.63 – $195.62
Arkansas $6.65 – $20.68 $79.78 – $248.15
California $4.87 – $28.83 $58.49 – $345.91
Colorado $4.80 – $19.75 $57.63 – $236.95
Connecticut $7.40 – $7.40 $88.75 – $88.75
Delaware $1.36 – $1.36 $16.32 – $16.32
Florida $5.32 – $11.98 $63.81 – $143.72
Georgia $12.15 – $17.12 $145.79 – $205.49
Hawaii $11.94 – $11.94 $143.25 – $143.25
Idaho NA NA
Illinois $8.07 – $23.68 $96.84 – $284.18
Indiana $9.72 – $9.72 $116.61 – $116.61
Iowa $7.61 – $8.55 $91.36 – $102.57
Kansas $7.05 – $9.62 $84.56 – $115.43
Kentucky $9.14 – $20.31 $109.69 – $243.67
Louisiana $19.57 – $24.55 $234.83 – $294.61
Maine $6.23 – $6.23 $74.78 – $74.78
Maryland $18.01 – $22.41 $216.10 – $268.90
Massachusetts $7.51 – $7.51 $90.08 – $90.08
Michigan $6.97 – $14.37 $83.62 – $172.42
Minnesota $9.65 – $10.45 $115.81 – $125.36
Mississippi $10.55 – $10.95 $126.63 – $131.43
Missouri $4.11 – $17.02 $49.37 – $204.29
Montana $5.99 – $5.99 $71.86 – $71.86
Nebraska $7.06 – $14.90 $84.67 – $178.82
Nevada $5.56 – $10.24 $66.73 – $122.84
New Hampshire $7.81 – $7.81 $93.69 – $93.69
New Jersey $8.35 – $8.35 $100.17 – $100.17
New Mexico $11.08 – $17.17 $133.02 – $205.98
New York $13.04 – $19.93 $156.47 – $239.21
North Carolina $7.79 – $8.03 $93.53 – $96.33
North Dakota $10.04 – $15.61 $120.50 – $187.37
Ohio $6.89 – $8.52 $82.64 – $102.28
Oklahoma $5.50 – $23.98 $66.05 – $287.73
Oregon $6.63 – $8.50 $79.57 – $102.02
Pennsylvania $20.37 – $24.96 $244.39 – $299.54
Rhode Island $11.84 – $11.84 $142.13 – $142.13
South Carolina $10.16 – $18.44 $121.87 – $221.26
South Dakota $13.48 – $18.15 $161.72 – $217.85
Tennessee $16.13 – $21.19 $193.54 – $254.26
Texas $6.78 – $17.59 $81.33 – $211.06
Utah $7.04 – $11.57 $84.43 – $138.86
Vermont NA NA
Virginia $8.54 – $9.00 $102.46 – $107.98
Washington $8.45 – $22.02 $101.38 – $264.25
West Virginia $3.00 – $11.87 $35.94 – $142.45
Wisconsin $6.59 – $8.74 $79.09 – $104.86
Wyoming $5.72 – $7.15 $68.60 – $85.83

For more information, see Litan and Singer’s policy brief, “Outdated Regulations Will Make Consumers Pay More for Broadband.

LA Times: Professor floats idea of three-year B.A. to cut college costs

A report by PPI Senior Fellow Paul Weinstein, Give Our Kids a Break: How Three-Year Degrees Can Cut the Cost of College, is the subject of an LA Times article today.

In his paper, Weinstein found that a four-year degree at a public school costs, on average, $35,572 in 2013. A three-year degree at a similar institution would cost $26,679 — a 25% savings.

Weinstein’s idea isn’t original. Some campuses, including Bates College in Maine and Wesleyan University in Connecticut, have instituted similar programs, but widespread implementation is rare, Weinstein said. In the last five years, 22 private, nonprofit colleges have begun offering three-year degrees, according to the National Assn. of Independent Colleges and Universities.

Read the article in its entirety at LA Times.

The Hill: Shooting yourself in the foot

What’s gotten into our European friends? Beset by slow growth, tensions over immigration and a rising fever of anti-Euro populism, some leaders are trying to deflect public discontent onto U.S. companies—a move that may turn out to backfire economically

The latest example comes from UK Chancellor of the Exchequer, George Osborne. He recently floated a proposed “diverted profits tax” on foreign companies doing business in Britain. It’s been called the “Google tax” and little wonder, since it’s clearly aimed at U.S. tech companies.

Osborne describes the idea as a way to foil tax avoidance strategies many companies use. That’s a legitimate issue. But what the Chancellor is proposing is a unilateral step that could torpedo the elaborate process the European Union and other governments already launched (through the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) to develop a common approach to tax base erosion and profit-shifting.

This gambit by the government of Prime Minister David Cameron, a Conservative who is forever extolling Britain’s “special relationship” with America, is unfortunately not an isolated incident.

Continue reading at The Hill.

WSJ: Obama’s New Web Tax

The Wall Street Journal editorialized PPI’s recent policy brief by Hal Singer and Bob Litan, Outdated Regulations Will Make Consumers Pay More for Broadband.

Now the Progressive Policy Institute reports that state and local regulators would join with the feds in gouging Internet consumers. That’s because states and localities have their own levies that would kick in if the Internet is officially deemed a monopoly telephone network. Authors Robert Litan of the Brookings Institution and PPI’s Hal Singer optimistically expect regulators to reduce the federal levy from the current 16.1%. But the analysts still forecast significant pain for Internet users.

“We have calculated that the average annual increase in state and local fees levied on U.S. wireline and wireless broadband subscribers will be $67 and $72, respectively. And the annual increase in federal fees per household will be roughly $17. When you add it all up, reclassification could add a whopping $17 billion in new user fees,” report Messrs. Litan and Singer.

That’s in addition to “the planned $1.5 billion extra to fund the E-Rate program,” which subsidizes schools and libraries. The authors add that the “higher fees would come on top of the adverse impact on consumers of less investment and slower innovation that would result from reclassification.”

Read the entire piece at The Wall Street Journal.

Another Example of the Data-Driven Economy Outrunning Regulators

Utah’s insurance regulators need to move into the 21st century. Apparently they have threatened to fine a company, Zenefits, for offering free human resource software. From Fortune:

Zenefits’ software helps small businesses manage all of their human resources functions in one place, such as health insurance, payroll, retirement funds and equity grants. The company gives its software away for free, taking a commission from vendors like insurance providers or brokerages.

(snip)

Insurance providers have no problem with Zenefits, Conrad says, because the company sends them new clients. But the brokers—those middlemen from whom Zenefits is stealing commissions—face an obvious threat. (Zenefits is itself a licensed insurance broker.) 

(snip)

This week that threat manifested itself in the form of a regulatory fight: Utah has moved to ban Zenefits from offering its software for free in the state. Utah Insurance Commissioner Todd Kiser sent a letter to the company outlining the ways Zenefits is breaking the law by offering free software.

Enough said.

Seattle Times: Broadband taxes coming with Net neutrality reclassification?

PPI Senior Fellow Hal Singer and Robert Litan’s new report, “Outdated Regulations Will Make Consumers Pay More for Broadband,” was cited by the Seattle Times in an article discussing new taxes that could accompany Title II reclassification of broadband.

But one thing’s clear, according to the PPI report: Treating broadband as a regulated utility would lead to all sorts of taxes and government fees, just like the ones that state, local and federal governments tack on to phone bills.

State and local fees on broadband service would average $67 per year for wired broadband subscribers and $72 per year for wireless broadband subscribers, according to the think tank, which was started in 1989 to generate ideas for President Clinton’s New Democrats.

Read the article at Seattletimes.com

Bloomberg: Cable Group to FCC: Reclassification of Broadband Could Mean Higher ISP Taxes

The new PPI report “Outdated Regulations Will Make Consumers Pay More for Broadband” was referenced by Bloomberg in an article on a cable industry group’s warning against reclassification of broadband.

The letter comes just days after a Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) report was released, which estimated a possible $17 billion hike in new broadband user fees that could be sparked by Title II reclassification of broadband services.

“Our letter was not a response to the PPI report but it is complimentary in that both suggest significant tax increases for consumers if broadband services are classified as Title II,” Brian Dietz, the NCTA’s vice president of communications and digital strategy, told Bloomberg BNA in a Dec. 3 e-mail.

Read the full article at Bloomberg BNA.

Washington Examiner: Regulating the Internet as a utility would cost households billions

The Washington Examiner profiled a new report by PPI Senior Fellow Hal Singer and Robert Litan, opposing President Obama’s stance on net neutrality. “Outdated Regulations Will Make Consumers Pay More for Broadband” warns against reclassification of broadband as a Title II service.

Litan and Singer looked at the average prices for broadband access and mobile service across the United States, and then examined the non-business state and local fees applied to those prices to find their data. The results are outlined in a new policy brief published by the Progressive Policy Institute, a center-left think tank focused on “progressive, market-friendly ideas.”

Read the full article at The Washington Examiner.

Why Obamacare is the heart of the new pro-growth, pro-middle class, pro-entrepreneur Democratic Party (sorry, Senator Schumer)

Senator Schumer has made a plausible argument for why Obamacare was a political mistake.  I disagree. Democratic politicians have mainly defended Obamacare on the grounds of access, fairness and cost containment. But in the process, Democrats have missed an opportunity to show how Obamacare is a platform for entrepreneurial growth. Framed correctly, Obamacare could turn out to be the heart of the new pro-growth,  pro-middle class, pro-production Democratic Party.

Consider this. When I left BusinessWeek in 2009, I started my own company, Visible Economy,  making news and education videos (the website and the business, alas, are no longer active).  As a budding not-so-young entrepreneur, the only reason I had that choice was because I could carry over healthcare coverage from my previous employer. If I had no health insurance, I couldn’t have started the business.

Obamacare allows almost anyone who wants to start a business to do so, without fear of being excluded from healthcare coverage because of age or pre-existing conditions. This is a big deal, for two reasons. First, because any sane middle-class person will think twice about starting a new business if they can’t get healthcare coverage (“entrepreneur lock“).

Second, Democrats who embrace a pro-growth, pro-innovation message can go to voters with Obamacare as an opening example of what the party is willing to do for the middle class.  The pro-growth message will increasingly resonate over time, especially if the party backs up Obamacare with additional pro-growth reforms, such as smart regulation and less reliance on onerous and regressive fees and fines on the local level (that turned out to be a big part of the issue in Ferguson).

From a political perspective,  Obamacare can unite the Democratic party. PPI has long strongly supported ACA-like universal healthcare coverage. That goal resonates with the Elizabeth Warren wing of the Democratic party as well. Obamacare brings poor working families into the healthcare system, and at least up to now, appears to be slowing the rate of health care cost increases.

It was inevitable that whichever party initiated healthcare reform was going to take political damage–that’s why it took so long.  Now Democrats need to use Obamacare as a key building block of their pro-growth message.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Daily Caller: Who Pays For Net Neutrality?

A new report by PPI Senior Fellow Hal Singer and Brookings Nonresident Senior Fellow Robert Litan, Outdated Regulations Will Make Consumers Pay More for Broadband, was covered in a story by The Daily Caller:

“Outdated Regulations will Make Consumers Pay More for Broadband” — a recent study by Robert Litan and Hal Singer of the Progressive Policy Institute entitled — quantifies the extra taxes and fees that apply to Title II utility telecommunications service, but not Internet service. The study conservatively estimates that new Title II utility regulations would increase broadband taxes and fees $17 billion or roughly $85 per American household per year.

Read the article in its entirety at The Daily Caller.

Hacking the Regulatory State: The FDA

I am speaking Thursday at a Cato conference on The Future of U.S. Economic Growth, with a politically diverse group of speakers including Martin Baily, Robert Gordon, Brad DeLong and Erik Brynjolfsson. My panel is entitled”What is to be done?,” and focuses on feasible policy solutions.

In preparation for the conference, I put together an essay on “Hacking the Regulatory State.” Part of the essay covers the need for a Regulatory Improvement Commission, but I also laid out some ways that the FDA can be reformed to speed up economic growth. Here’s an excerpt from the essay:

2. Approval Criteria at the FDA

The FDA is one of the fastest growing agencies in the federal government. In 2000, the FDA employed 12 workers for every 1,000 in the pharmaceutical, biotech, and medical equipment industries.  Now the FDA employs 18 workers for every 1000 private-sector pharmaceutical, biotech, and medtech workers.

Not surprisingly, the intensity of FDA regulation has also increased by 40 percent since 2000, according to a recent paper from the Progressive Policy Institute (Carew, 2014). That’s based on a new measure of regulatory intensity that applies a semantic analysis of written rules, looking for such restrictive words as “shall” and “must” (Al-Ubaydli and McLaughlin, 2014).

The same period has also been notable for an extraordinary amount of public and private spending on biosciences R&D. In 2012, for example, U.S. industry, government, and academic institutions spent roughly $100 billion on biosciences-related research and development, second only to the roughly $125 billion invested in computer and information sciences-related R&D. In recent years biosciences R&D has averaged somewhere between one-third and one-quarter of total civilian R&D.

This R&D spending has propelled tremendous scientific advances over this stretch. Yet so far, too few of these scientific advances have been translated into usable innovation. This problem is well-accepted. NIH set up a new National Center for Advancing Translational Science in fiscal year 2012, specifically to “develop innovations to reduce, remove or bypass costly and time-consuming bottlenecks in the translational research pipeline in an effort to speed the delivery of new drugs, diagnostics and medical devices to patients.”

I will argue here that accelerating commercial innovation in biosciences requires “recoding” the criteria by which the FDA approves new drugs and devices. In particular, the sole focus on “safety and efficacy” has the effect of almost guaranteeing that potential disruptive innovations are not approved. What’s more, the pharmaceutical and device companies have a deep understanding of the FDA’s approval process, and therefore they do not pursue such disruptive innovations. Similarly, venture capitalists shy away from funding innovations that are not approvable.

Here I’m using the disruptive innovation in the classic Clayton Christensen sense — a product or service that starts out with somewhat worse performance than what’s on the market right now, but much better economic or other characteristics. So when mobile phones originally were being widely sold, the quality of calls was lower than using wired handsets. Similarly, the early personal computers were far less powerful than mainframes or minis.

The problem is that the FDA interprets the “safety and efficacy” standard as meaning at least as safe and clinically efficacious as anything on the market currently. That immediately rules out an innovation that is safe, much cheaper, but not as efficacious as best medical practice. So if the FDA had been in charge of the phone or computer markets at the time, early mobile phones and personal computers would have not been approved for sale because they provided inferior quality to existing products.

As a result, the FDA approval criteria systematically screen out disruptive innovations. What’s more, the pharmaceutical and device companies, and even the venture capitalist supporting start-ups, are all too aware of the FDA’s decision-making process,  and are therefore unwilling to fund potential disruptive innovations.

What’s the solution? First, don’t weaken the safety requirement at all. The FDA is a key guardian against harmful products.

Second, separate the efficacy requirement into two parts — clinical efficacy, and economic efficacy. Allow innovating companies to present evidence that their potential new product reduces the amount of labor and other resources needed by the healthcare system, as compared to existing products or treatments. A new product needs to show both clinical efficacy and economic efficacy, but needs to be superior to existing products on just one of those measures.

Such a broadening of the FDA approval criteria won’t be easy to put into place, but could have enormous impacts on the incentives for research and development. If we want medical innovation and lower costs, we need to change the rules of the game.

 

 

 

 

Outdated Regulations Will Make Consumers Pay More for Broadband

Self-styled consumer advocates are pressuring federal regulators to “reclassify” access to the Internet as a public utility. If they get their way, U.S. consumers will have to dig deeper into their pockets to pay for both residential fixed and wireless broadband services.

How deep? We have calculated that the average annual increase in state and local fees levied on U.S. wireline and wireless broadband subscribers will be $67 and $72, respectively. And the annual increase in federal fees per household will be roughly $17. When you add it all up, reclassification could add a whopping $15 billion in new user fees on top of the planned $1.5 billion extra to fund the E-Rate program. The higher fees would come on top of the adverse impact on consumers of less investment and slower innovation that would result from reclassification.

How did we reach this precipice? In early November, FCC Chairman Tom Wheeler floated a “hybrid” compromise that would have deemed Internet service providers (ISPs)—telcos and cable companies—as public utilities under Title II of the Communications Act of 1934 for purposes of their dealings with websites, such as Netflix. But when it came to the rates and download speeds offered to broadband customers, ISPs would continue to be subject to “light touch” regulation under Section 706 of the Telecommunications Act of 1996, which directs the Commission to promote broadband deployment. This would allow them to give their customers choices: those who were willing to pay more for higher speeds could. Think of it as being willing to pay more to take the faster Acela train as opposed to the regular Amtrak line.

Download “2014.12-Litan-Singer_Outdated-Regulations-Will-Make-Consumers-Pay-More-for-Broadband/”

The Washington Post: Strong net neutrality rules could cost you $84 a year or more in new fees

A new report by PPI Senior Fellow Hal Singer and Brookings Nonresident Senior Fellow Robert Litan, Outdated Regulations Will Make Consumers Pay More for Broadband, was covered in a story by The Washington Post:

In a paper published by the Progressive Policy Institute, Singer and Litan argue that these and other charges stemming from various state and local rules could add $84 or more to a U.S. household’s yearly Internet bill…

The study is the latest effort by opponents of strong net neutrality rules to describe the potential economic fallout of regulating ISPs under Title II. Last month, telecom lobbyists argued to the FCC that aggressive regulation would slow down the pace of industry investment in network upgrades, to the tune of $45 billion over the next five years.

Read the article in its entirety at The Washington Post.