Biden, Congressional Democrats Have Rare Chance to Highlight, Fix America’s Broken Higher Education Financing Model

WASHINGTON, D.C. — A new brief released today from the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) commends President Biden’s bold vision to ease student debt burdens. The brief calls on the Administration to help borrowers in more meaningful ways by fixing America’s broken financing model for higher education, and investing in non-college pathways to good jobs.

Key highlights from the brief: 

  • More than 1/5 households hold a student loan, up from 1/10 in 1989.
  • Millennials, who are already saddled with lower wages and lingering economic pains from the Great Recession, hold $497.6 billion in outstanding loans.
  • Education debt is a generational/equity crisis. Borrowers are more likely to be lower-income, Black, and less likely to have generational wealth, making them more likely to default, which can lead to further worsening of poverty and the racial wealth gap.
  • Biden has faced calls to cancel $50,000 in education debt for borrowers but the evidence suggests that this could be regressive and benefit many high-income households who don’t need relief.
  • Education debt relief should not be a one-time fix. President Biden and Congress need to meaningfully address America’s broken financing model for higher education and invest in non-college pathways to good jobs.

The policy brief calls for the Biden Administration to take important key steps, including: 

  • Auto-enrollment in income-based repayment as opt-out for new and existing loans.
  • Modernize the Public Service Loan Forgiveness Program to reward national or community service for our public servants and create incentives for public service.
  • Accelerate attainment of credentials by making the process for earning college credit through Advanced Placement (AP), International Baccalaureate (IB) programs, and college courses taken in high school at community colleges, more transparent and accessible.

Veronica Goodman, PPI’s Director of Social Policy and author of the brief, said this:

“President Biden and Congressional Democrats have a rare opportunity to move fixing America’s broken higher education financing model to the center of the nation’s agenda.

They should follow targeted education debt relief with bold progressive reforms aimed at two critical national goals: Lowering college costs and thereby reduce the need for borrowing, and boosting public  investment in the skills and career prospects of the majority of young Americans who do not get college degrees.”

Read the full report here.

Memo to President Biden: The Progressive Way to Ease Student Debt Burdens

Note: In this brief, I use the term education debt, rather than student debt, since most affected borrowers are no longer students, and this category of debt affects a wide swath of society, not just students.          

After his inauguration on January 20, one of President Joe Biden’s first official acts was signing an executive order to extend the pandemic-related pause on student loan payments and interest, as well as to halt collection of student loans in default, through September 30. For millions of young Americans struggling to pay off college loans, the order will be a welcome down payment on Biden’s campaign promise to deliver major debt relief.

While campaigning for the presidency last spring, Biden unveiled a plan to forgive a minimum of $10,000 per borrower. The President’s advisers say the administration will submit a legislative proposal for debt relief to the new Congress. 

The case for relief is strong. Over the past four years, the Trump administration and Republican lawmakers have provided little in the way of help for struggling borrowers beyond the temporary pause on repayments. With young people struggling to keep their heads above water amid the Covid pandemic and recession, it is no surprise that Democratic policymakers are looking for ways to relieve their financial stress.  

In May 2020, House Democrats also called for $10,000 worth of education loan relief for “distressed” borrowers as part of their Health and Economic Recovery Omnibus Emergency Solutions (HEROES) bill. This category of borrowers included those with delinquent or defaulted loans, and others considered “financially distressed.” According to the U.S. Department of Education, as many as 20 percent of education loans are in default. This provision got caught up in partisan wrangling over the size and cost of the HEROES act, and was dropped from the compromise stimulus bill Congress passed in late December 2020. 

Since his victory last November, Biden has faced persistent calls from progressives to forgive education debt for the 45 million Americans who owe close to $1.6 trillion in loans. Sens. Elizabeth Warren and Chuck Schumer dramatically raised the bidding by urging Biden to take executive action to forgive up to $50,000 of federal education debt. Reps. Ayanna Pressley (D-MA), Ilhan Omar (D-MN), Alma Adams (D-NC), and Maxine Waters (D-CA) introduced a companion resolution in the House in December 2020.  

Although popular on the left, such calls to “go big” have drawn a skeptical response from many independent analysts. “In sheer magnitude, canceling $50,000 in student debt would rank among the largest transfer programs in U.S. history,” notes the Brookings Institution’s Adam Looney. “At a cost slightly above $1 trillion, it would equal the total amount spent on cash welfare since 1980. And its largest effect would be to improve the finances of college-educated workers, who have already tended to be winners in an economy marked by ever-rising inequality.” 

President Biden likewise has expressed skepticism about the distributive impact of these proposals. He’s also told Congressional Democrats he would prefer a legislative fix to an easily reversible executive order – something that looks more likely after the January 5 Georgia runoffs flipped control of the Senate to his party.

Digging into the data on the demographics of Americans with education debt, it becomes clear that Biden’s approach isn’t just more affordable, it’s also more progressive and equitable. Approximately 48 percent of outstanding student loans are held by those with graduate degrees; that is double the share of those who owe loans and earned an Associate’s degree or less. In fact, slightly over a third of all education debt is concentrated in the highest income quartile – households making over $97,000 per year.

Without better targeting, debt relief would mostly benefit higher-income households, which hold a third of student loans and have greater ability to pay them back. A 2019 analysis by the Urban Institute finds that “forgiving larger amounts of debt would distribute a larger share of benefits to higher-income households, and reducing the amount of debt forgiven should increase the share of benefits going to lower-income households.” Based on this analysis, the $50,000 proposed by Sens. Warren and Schumer would have regressive effects and distribute relief to households at the top of the income scale. 

In contrast, Biden’s plan aims at lower-income borrowers who need debt relief the most. Relief in the amount of $10,000 per borrower would eliminate all debt for 37 percent of borrowers (16.3 million people) and cut in half debts owed by another 9.3 million borrowers at an estimated cost between $250-300 billion. These borrowers are disproportionately young and low-income, and include veterans, single parents, and those in a minority group. Two-thirds of borrowers that default on their payments owe a comparatively low average amount of $9,625. These borrowers also are less likely to repay their loans because they never completed their college degrees or earned only a certificate.

However, it’s not clear whether President Biden’s plan will include an income-based eligibility test to ensure that relief is concentrated on needy rather than affluent families. PPI recommends that the administration target its plan by phasing out relief for borrowers making over $125,000. This would address concerns that about the regressive nature of untargeted debt relief and substantially reduce the cost of the proposal. 

Perhaps most important, the President’s approach recognizes the limits of debt relief and leaves fiscal space for tackling the fundamental problem: America’s broken financing model for higher education. Over the past two decades, the cost of higher education has approximately doubled and ballooning tuition prices have forced students to borrow more to finance their education.

Although federal subsidies – chiefly grants and loans – tilt heavily toward college-going young people, college is not the only pathway to good jobs for young adults and U.S. workers. It’s true that the average college-educated worker reaps a lifetime premium of higher earnings in the labor market. But most Americans don’t go to college. As of 2019, 70.1 percent of Americans 25 and older had not earned a four-year degree, while just 29.9 percent earned a four-year degree or higher. Given his well-known empathy for the struggles of America’s working-class families, PPI recommends that the President pair debt relief with increased public investment in apprenticeships and work-based “career pathways” training programs that connect workers, including those coming out of high school, to well-paying careers.  

PPI has proposed a suite of ideas for how to expand career pathways to employment for millions of Americans including investments for a 10-fold increase in apprenticeships, creating incentives for partnering public and private programs that focus on transferable skills and credentials, and incentivizing private intermediaries who create “outsourced” apprenticeships programs. Although they are beyond the scope of this memo, PPI believes these and related ideas are crucial to ending the bias in federal policy toward college-bound youth. We hope the Biden administration will give high priority to investing more in building a robust system of work-based learning, career training, and apprenticeships for the majority of young Americans who don’t attend four-year colleges.

Recommendations for the Biden Administration

  • Draft legislation to provide $10,000 in immediate education debt forgiveness for those with an annual income of less than $125,000 per year. This will deliver relief for those at greatest risk of defaulting on their student loans, especially students from low-income and minority families. The estimated cost of President Biden’s plan is $250-300 billion, and it would eliminate all education debt for 37 percent of borrowers (16.3 million people) and cut in half debts owed by another 9.3 million borrowers. Our recommendation of an income-based eligibility test is expected to reduce the overall cost.
  • Continue giving borrowers a break on payments and interest by extending the pause on federal student loan payments for the duration of the pandemic and Covid recession. President Biden has extended the pause through September 30.
  • Make income-based repayment more accessible and generous for borrowers. Switching to a universal IBR system that is opt-out for new and existing loans, and which automatically re-enrolls borrowers, would make payments more manageable and automatically tied to income, decreasing the likelihood of default and missed payments. 
  • Modernize the Public Service Loan Forgiveness Program to reward national or community service for our public servants by offering $10,000 of education debt relief for every year of service up to five years—after which the loan would be forgiven. This would include individuals with up to five years of prior service and automatically enroll workers in schools, government, and other nonprofit organizations. This would encourage workers to pursue careers in public service.
  • Accelerate attainment of credentials by making the process for earning college credit through Advanced Placement (AP), International Baccalaureate (IB) programs, and college courses taken in high school at community colleges, more transparent and accessible, as PPI’s Paul Weinstein has argued.

Education Debt Has Led to a Social Crisis, Which the Pandemic Has Made Worse

Those who have borrowed for degrees are more likely to be lower-income, Black, and less likely to have generational wealth, making them more likely to default, which can lead to further worsening of poverty and the racial wealth gap. To understand why the proposal of $10,000 relief per borrower could have the most impact on lower-income families and those most struggling during the pandemic, it is worth digging into the demographics of who is behind on payments and what groups are holding the most debt:

  • According to the U.S. Department of Education, 20 percent of borrowers are in default, and a million more go into default each year. Two-thirds of borrowers who default never completed their college degrees or earned only a certificate and owe a comparatively low average amount of $9,625. Those who default include veterans, parents, and first-generation college students who are more financially vulnerable to default. Without a credential and with limited access to good jobs, borrowers are forced to default and, in doing so, accrue additional interest and fees on the principal loan. These borrowers are in no position to pay back their defaulted loans.

Default can have catastrophic implications for future access to credit, and result in garnished wages, seized tax refunds, and harm other measures of financial wealth. Given the age at which most of these borrowers took out loans, many begin their adulthood at an economic disadvantage. At this scale, the education debt crisis is not only hurting those who are struggling the most, but it is holding back an entire generation with negative implications for their children’s generation. The financial strain the pandemic has inflicted on workers will make it more difficult for defaulted borrowers to get back on track with payments.

Debt Relief: Down Payment on Reform

As the pandemic rages, and more Americans lose their jobs and businesses, short-term education debt relief can help our most vulnerable borrowers ride out the storm. But we also need longer-term, structural reforms aimed at driving down the tuition costs for both college and post-secondary skills training. 

Short-Term Relief and Considerations

The Trump administration implemented limited short-term relief for education debt by temporarily suspending loan payments through February 2021 on federal educational loans as of March 2020. Further short-term relief is desirable, in line with President Biden’s proposal for $10,000 of forgiveness. As one of his first actions in office, President Biden signed an executive order extending the pause on student loan payments and interest through September 30. Biden should continue to extend the pause as long as the Covid recession continues to place financial strain on borrowers.

Reviewing the data, education debt forgiveness targeted at borrowers with low incomes and the unemployed would have the greatest impact. However, some concerns remain over how policymakers can target relief to those who need it the most. Some experts have suggested that policymakers could isolate undergraduate debt from graduate school debt in order to prioritize these more needy borrowers. This would avoid regressive effects that could give a large portion of relief to those with graduate school debt, such as doctors and lawyers, that are in a better financial position to pay back their loans. At the $10,000 level, however, the Biden plan avoids many of the greatest concerns about the potential for regressive outcomes relevant to higher dollar per borrower proposals. Adding an income cap of $125,000 for borrowers will target relief for households who need it the most.

Following dramatic victories in the Jan. 5 Georgia run-off elections, Democrats have taken control of the Senate. This likely clears the way for legislation to provide debt relief, as President Biden prefers. Citing the need for action during the pandemic and recession, some Democrats have been urging him to use a provision in the Higher Education Act to sidestep legislation and cancel the balances of millions of Americans. That would likely trigger legal challenges, and Biden is right to first seek a legislative fix using budget reconciliation.  

Advisers of President Biden have suggested that education debt relief could be included in anticipated stimulus legislation aimed at pandemic relief. On the other hand, a legislative path for education debt relief could also take longer if additional relief legislation proves difficult to enact in the near term, a worthy consideration given the present economic crisis. 

More difficult to measure are the intangible or second-order benefits that education debt relief would bring to borrowers, especially those who have defaulted. Worries about their debt burdens undoubtedly affect their career choices, such as whether to pursue a public interest job, and their life choices, such as whether and when to buy a house or have a child. Those with significant education debt are more likely to experience depression and anxiety as a direct result of their debt, which can lead to mental health issues down the road. Mental health experts point to Millennials coming of age with slower economic growth than any other generation in history as part of the reason for why their mortality rates, driven by suicides and drug overdoses, have risen sharply since 2008. It is also difficult to capture the effect that education debt relief would have on rates of entrepreneurship in younger generations or how intergenerational wealth might change if millions were no longer in default and saddled with debt.

Long Term Solutions

Targeted education debt relief is only a temporary fix. There are several other policy solutions that would help address the education debt crisis.

Congress should also adopt Biden’s proposal to modernize income-based repayment (IBR), loans. Such programs calculate a borrower’s monthly payment based on their income and other factors, such as family size and location. Currently, borrowers must opt-in to IBR through a lengthy process. Automatically enrolling new borrowers and re-enrolling existing borrowers in IBR and tying their payments to their eligible income would streamline the process, as well as making it easier for existing borrowers to take advantage of the program. By making enrollment automatic for borrowers and the terms much simpler, it is estimated that on-time payments will rise and default rates should decrease on net. 

The Public Service Loan Forgiveness program was introduced in 2007 as a way to reward workers who pursue public service by forgiving their federal student loans after 10 years if they make consistent payments and are an employee of a qualifying public service employer. Like IBR, the unnecessary complexity and difficulty of navigating the program has led to low enrollment and success in rewarding public servants. Automatically enrolling employees of qualifying employers would increase take-up and help reduce debt in a way that rewards work and service. The program should offer $10,000 of education debt relief for every year of service up to five years—with full forgiveness after five years. This would include individuals with up to five years of prior service in schools, government, and other nonprofit organizations.

To get at the root of the education debt problem, as President Biden has acknowledged, we need broad higher education reform and more pathways to good jobs beyond college. Periodic education debt relief should not become a band-aid solution for higher education’s broken financing system. Fully addressing these challenges is beyond the scope of this brief, but below are a few points to consider. 

Since the 1990s, the cost of higher education has approximately doubled and institutions have responded to declining state investment by passing off the cost to students through rising tuition prices. Told repeatedly that a college degree is the best pathway to the middle class, it’s little wonder that young Americans increasingly turned to loans to finance their education. For too many, however, the high price of going to college isn’t leading to jobs with earnings sufficient to propel them into the middle class and allow them to pay off their debts.

When considering how to create lasting reforms to higher education, the Biden administration should develop a plan for a systemic restructuring of higher education consisting of two parts: (a) creative ways to reduce college costs rather than expanding subsidies in an endless game of catchup; and (b) a big public investment in building a robust career ladders infrastructure of work-based learning as an alternative route to middle-income jobs.

Many progressives have been thinking creatively about how to tame the rising price of higher education in the longer term. For example, my PPI colleague Paul Weinstein proposes a set of imaginative reforms including leveraging direct federal spending on higher education to force institutions to cut tuition and fees by reducing “administrative bloat,” requiring faculty to teach more, thereby opening up additional spots for students, increasing tuition revenue, and, lastly, by moving U.S. colleges toward three-year bachelor’s degrees.

Conclusion

President Biden and Congressional Democrats have a rare opportunity to move fixing America’s broken higher education financing model to the center of the nation’s agenda. They should follow targeted education debt relief with bold progressive reforms aimed at two critical national goals: Lowering college costs and thereby reduce the need for borrowing, and boosting public  investment in the skills and career prospects of the majority of young Americans who do not get college degrees. 

Why America Should Go To Summer School

America’s school children are falling behind. They have been trailing their European and Asian counterparts in grade school for some time, but our nation’s management of Covid-19 has widened the gap further. One study from McKinsey and Company estimates that by June students will have lost on average 5 to 9 months of learning by June.

The situation in high poverty areas is even worse. According to a Rand Corporation study, 33 percent of teachers in the highest-poverty schools said that their students were significantly less prepared than last school year.

And while the rollout of Covid-19 vaccines offer some hope that we will eventually return to normalcy, their impact will likely not be enough to save the current school year.

But we can act to help our schoolchildren catch up—and give parents some needed relief—by offering free summer school for children grades K through 8.

Read the full piece here.

How Biden Can Cut The Cost Of College

President-elect Joe Biden campaigned on a sweeping agenda to expand access to college — provide free tuition at public colleges and universities for all families with incomes below $125,000, double the maximum value of Pell Grants, and make community college free for up to two years. However, much of this agenda may be difficult to achieve unless Democrats, against formidable odds, can win both upcoming runoffs for the two Senate seats in Georgia. Fortunately, a President Biden could use his executive authority to expand access to college (and more affordable) by making the process for earning college credit through Advanced Placement (AP), International Baccalaureate (IB) programs, and college courses taken in high school at community colleges, more transparent and accessible.

During his campaign, President-elect Biden proposed creating a more seamless process for earning credit for college-level work completed prior to enrolling as an undergraduate (dual enrollment). A Biden-Harris administration could fast track this effort in two steps.

Read the full piece here.

PPI’s Osborne, Pankovits on Creating New Innovation Schools Guide at a Moment of Crisis

As our public education system continues to experience unprecedented challenges related to the pandemic, the Progressive Policy Institute’s David Osborne and Tressa Pankovits thought now would be a good time to offer a how-to guide on creating innovation schools.

In this 74 Interview, Osborne acknowledges that many districts are barely managing to operate — never mind innovate — during a crisis that also involves a collapsing economy and a national reckoning on race. But the author of 2017’s Reinventing America’s Schools sees a not-too-distant future when a vaccine is widely available, the system has begun to return to some level of normalcy and education leaders will have to consider fresh solutions to the fallout.

Read the full interview here.

Let the littlest state lead us on COVID-19

With hospital beds filled and field hospitals scrambling to open, Gov. Gina Raimondo on Monday ordered Rhode Island to begin a two-week pause in an attempt to stop out-of-control coronavirus spread in her state. The governor ordered bars, gyms, movie theaters and the like closed — but she is keeping schools open.

Raimondo should be praised for recognizing what too many state and local leaders ignore: Hard data have proven, and America’s scientists have reached consensus, that students in classrooms are not significant spreaders of COVID-19.

One of the largest studies, led by Brown University economist Emily Oster PhD, analyzed in-school infection data from 47 states for two weeks at the end of September. Out of 200,000 students who returned to the classroom, just 0.13 percent tested positive for COVID-19. Positive tests for 63,000 staff clocked in at 0.24 percent. Cases nationwide have dramatically increased since then, but even in places that had low-positivity rates, schools remained closed while nonessential businesses welcomed customers — and likely contributed to community spread.

A Coalition of Education and Advocacy Organizations Released the Following Statement Regarding Recommendations for the Secretary of Education in the Biden Administration

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During this time of immense change and uncertainty for our nation, the newly elected Biden Administration faces many important decisions. Given the significant disruption to education in America this year due to the pandemic, and the likely long-term consequences, the appointment of the Secretary of Education is one of the most consequential cabinet posts.

Many individuals and organizations are offering suggestions and opining on the relative merit of potential candidates. Some of these candidates have strong ties to special interest groups, rather than the individuals and families who will rely on them to put their interests first.

We find it most productive to focus on a set of characteristics and basic qualifications that a new Secretary of Education must possess. As the president-elect has aptly noted, our nation is divided. To move beyond that division, the Secretary of Education must be someone who deeply values unity and collaboration, is willing to rise above partisan bickering, and will be agnostic about instructional delivery and governance models, so long as they are effective and meet the needs of all students. The Secretary must be committed to supporting the entire public-school ecosystem – both district and charter.

We will gauge the relative fitness of potential nominees against this set of criteria:

  1. Placing students and families first: The Secretary of Education should first and foremost serve the needs of the young people and adult learners who attend schools, and the parents who send their children to schools. This must supersede all other adult interests.
  2. Supporting high-quality schools: We must be a nation of high-quality schools, both K-12 and postsecondary. The Secretary of Education must be committed to ensuring students are well served, and to expanding public school opportunities for all. This requires students to be assessed and schools to be held accountable when they are not providing a high-quality education. This includes support for charter schools that have proven to deliver results for students and families across the country.
  3. Empowering diverse leaders and teachers: Educators deserve respect and support. The Secretary of Education must be a champion for teachers and leaders, committed to elevating the profession. The Secretary must also have a demonstrated commitment to supporting and promoting the empowerment of Black, Brown and indigenous education leaders. Leaders and teachers must be empowered with the flexibility and resources to meet the needs of their specific students.
  4. Re-imagining learning: The Secretary of Education must move beyond the status quo and support and seek new ideas, new models and opportunities that benefit learners. American students deserve the best educational options available, with an emphasis on evidence-based outcomes.
  5. Fighting for equity in education: As a nation, we must be relentless about ensuring all students, particularly those who have been historically marginalized – like Black, Brown, and indigenous students, and those from low-income families – achieve academic success, and have access to a high-quality public school. Educational outcomes, and ultimately life outcomes, must no longer be determined by zip code, and the Secretary of Education must have a demonstrated commitment to racial equity in education.
  6. Experience in K-12 education, preferably at a systems level: Serving the needs of a diverse group of students and families represented within a system of multiple schools requires a balanced perspective and the ability to support the academic as well as social and emotional wellbeing of students. The Secretary of Education must also have a track record of being responsive to all students, especially those impacted by trauma.
  1. Commitment to supporting the entire public-school ecosystem – both district and charter: All charter schools are public schools, and the Secretary of Education must acknowledge this fact. The Secretary must have a commitment to treating all public schools fairly with respect to funding, facilities and support. Seventy percent of charter school students are Black and Brown; to deny resources to their schools is a racial equity issue.

We urge the newly elected Biden Administration to strongly consider these recommendations when putting forth a nomination for Secretary of Education.

Alliance for Excellence in Education        National Alliance for Public Charter Schools
Charter School Growth Fund                   National Charter Collaborative
Diverse Charter Schools Coalition           National Parents Union
Freedom Coalition for Charter Schools    Powerful Parent Movement
KIPP Foundation                                      Progressive Policy Institute
Memphis Lift

About Public Charter Schools
Public charter schools are independent, public, and tuition-free schools that are given the freedom to be more innovative while being held accountable for advancing student achievement. Since 2010, many research studies have found that students in charter schools do better in school than their traditional school peers. For example, one study by the Center for Research on Education Outcomes at Stanford University found that charter schools do a better job teaching low income students, minority students, and students who are still learning English than traditional schools. Separate studies by the Center on Reinventing Public Education and Mathematica Policy Research have found that charter school students are more likely to graduate from high school, go on to college, stay in college and have higher earnings in early adulthood.

District-Charter Partnerships Offer Another Route to Charter Expansion

Taxpayers own public school buildings, which should be available to all public school students. But as charter operators know, that’s not the reality. Access to affordable school buildings is one of the biggest obstacles to expanding charter schools. Yet in many of our cities, school districts have empty or half-empty buildings.

The logical solution—districts selling or leasing facilities to charter operators—is often rejected by district leaders, for political reasons. This is particularly egregious in cities like Washington, D.C., and New York City, where thousands of low-income students are on waitlists for charter school seats.

Happily, a better model is emerging. More than a dozen urban districts are partnering with nonprofit organizations to turn around failing schools, and that partnership usually includes a free district facility. This should interest charter school operators who fit the bill.

This new model has been implemented in Atlanta, Denver, Indianapolis, Philadelphia, San Antonio, Tulsa, Okla., Baton Rouge, Los Angeles, Camden, N.J., as well as Lawrence and Springfield, Mass., and Grand Prairie, Spring Branch, Midland, and Beaumont, Tex. The autonomous schools in these districts are known by various names: typically innovation schools, Renaissance schools, or partnership schools.

In these cities, it’s shaping up to be a win-win-win for charter schools, families, and districts. Charter operators get better funding and free facilities, allowing them to put more money in the classroom. And while they are autonomous, they are also part of a district, often viewed more as partners than enemies.

Families get better schools for their children, more choices, and often a variety of learning models to choose from (e.g. project-based, blended learning, Montessori, STEM, performing arts, etc.).

Read the full piece here.

Civil Rights Commission Should Retract Recommendations that Discriminate Against Low-Income, Minority Children

Responding to pressure from hundreds of public education advocates, the Michigan Civil Rights Commission (MCRC) on November 23 will hold a public hearing to “address concerns” over its characterization of charter schools.

The MCRC is charged with investigating and resolving civil rights violations in the state, not creating new ones. Yet that’s precisely what some recommendations do in an MCRC report released last month. The report,Equity in Education,caps a two-year investigation into public education inequities and makes recommendations to lawmakers for resolving them.

Many of the MCRC’s recommendations are solid: increasing access to early childhood education, improving food security for low-income children, adding summer and after-school programs, and more. But the report advises increasing discrimination against a particular group of low-income, minority children.

It recommends amending Michigan’s funding formula to punish public charter school students by giving them just 75 percent of the state per-pupil funding every other Michigan public school student receives. When all sources of school funding are considered, Michigan charter schools already receive about $2,780, or 20 percent, less per pupil than traditional district schools. Now, the MCRC wants to take a quarter of the state funds away from those students and give it to school districts they don’t attend.

Read the full piece here.

Black School Leaders Matter

Leadership matters. In a crisis, effective leadership matters that much more. In a pandemic the likes of which none of us have seen, leadership can be the difference between absolute success and complete failure.

America’s public education system was woefully unprepared for COVID-19. Our antiquated system of centralized school districts did little to empower its school leaders to rapidly adapt in such an emergency.  In contrast, the autonomy and independence that school leaders like Lagra Newman, Robert Marshall and Shawn Nelms enjoy, enable them to respond in ways that should be replicated.

According to a recent report by the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI), “America’s Remote Learning Imperative,” in order to shift to effective remote learning during the pandemic, our schools need more than laptops and wifi hotspots for students. They also need to make changes in five critical areas: (1) professional development for teachers, (2) engaging parents, (3) student assessment, (4) students’ social-emotional learning, and (5) school governance.

Long before America closed nearly all of its schools, school leaders with autonomy were building the parent trust, teacher capacity, and social-emotional supports necessary to respond to school closures.

At Purpose Prep Academy in Nashville, Lagra Newman created a charter school that deploys two teachers per class in kindergarten through grade 4, so they can work with children in small groups.

According to the PPI report, seven out of ten surveyed teachers in the U.S. reported they had not been properly prepared for virtual learning.  During the pandemic-induced shutdown, Newman and her staff used their spring break to prepare. Teachers were asked to conduct wellness check-ins with every student’s family, to establish families’ expectations of them and their expectations of families. With twice as many teachers per class as a traditional school, Purpose Prep had a big advantage over other schools that tried to do the same.

With the information gathered from weekly wellness checks, teachers were able to target tutoring for particular students. Even as the school transitioned into summer break, Newman and her team dedicated three weeks of professional development for staff on teaching remotely, transferring the curriculum online, helping parents support their kids’ learning, and assessing student progress in online learning.

Read the full piece here.

Create more autonomous, accountable district schools. Here’s how.

Education wasn’t explicitly on the national ballot in 2020, but education is always on the ballot, even when you don’t see it. Now that the election is behind us, education reformers can focus again on states and communities, where most of the important decisions about K–12 education get made.

Before the election, too many jurisdictions were trapped in a stalemate between reformers pushing for more parent choice and choices, such as charter schools, and teachers unions holding fast for the status quo but asking for more money. Fortunately, about twenty urban districts around the country are exploring a more promising “third way”: the creation of autonomous, accountable district schools. Particularly in urban America, it is imperative that we replace centralized, standardized, industrial-era systems with more decentralized, student-centric schools designed for today’s world.

Such schools are known by a variety of names: innovation schools, partnership schools, renaissance schools, and pilot schools. The most effective models are nonprofit schools governed by independent boards of directors separate from the local school board. In some districts, such as Denver and Springfield, Massachusetts, innovation schools are organized into “zones” with a single board of directors for a group of schools within each zone.

Zone or innovation school boards negotiate schools’ performance contracts with the district, usually for five-year terms. Those contracts include clear metrics for success that the schools must meet for the agreement to renew. This creates an urgency to improve academic growth because the consequences for failure are real, including replacement of the team that runs the school.

Read the full piece here.

California’s misleading K-12 dashboard could lead to closure of the wrong schools

Students at Ánimo Ellen Ochoa Charter Middle School in East Los Angeles are learning at one-and-a-half to two times the pace of their grade-level peers, based on their state standardized (CAASPP) test scores for the last three years compared to the average for the state.

But the California Department of Education has labeled Ochoa a “low performer,” based on how it ranks on various color-coded indicators on the California School Dashboard.

The department’s report of school performance — the state’s “dashboard” — is deeply flawed. For the 341 kids enrolled at Ochoa — 96% of whom are socioeconomically disadvantaged, almost all of whom are Latinx, and 24% of whom are still learning English — a flawed dashboard could lead to disaster. That’s because the school district could close the school based on its ranking.

Ochoa is part of the highly respected Green Dot Public Schools, a Los Angeles nonprofit educational organization, which was recognized by the U.S. Department of Education as a high-quality charter school operator during the Obama administration.

But in high-poverty middle schools such as Ochoa, students often arrive several years behind grade level. Few of them are “proficient” in math or reading. Ochoa’s students, while far behind, are making exceptional gains compared with students statewide. Yet the dashboard blends their test scores together with a year-to-year change measure that conceals both their high rate of growth and their low starting scores. These results only make sense when reported separately. They make no sense when blended together.

All but two states have viable measures of academic growth, designed to show whether students are catching up or falling further behind grade level. California does not.

Read the rest here.

 

Written by David Osborne and Steve Rees.

The Third Way: A Guide to Implementing Innovation Schools

Across the country, urban school districts are moving beyond industrial-era systems by creating “innovation” or “partnership” schools that have the freedom to reinvent the way they educate students. The Progressive Policy Institute released a how-to guide for legislators, district leaders, and advocates who want to create more of these 21st  century schools: The Third Way: A Guide to Implementing Innovation Schools.  

From Texas to New Jersey, from Colorado to Indiana, about 20 urban public school districts—and a few rural ones—are giving schools real autonomy, so school leaders make the key decisions, such as hiring and firing and controlling the budget. They are promising to hold these schools accountable for their performance and replace them if they fail their students, encouraging them to diversify their learning models, and letting families choose the schools that best fit their children. 

The results so far have been impressive. In Indianapolis, “innovation network schools” are the fastest improving group of schools in the district. In Camden, N.J., reading proficiency in the district’s 11 “Renaissance schools” doubled and math proficiency quadrupled in their first four years. 

The guide draws lessons from the experience of these and other districts, discusses key “success factors,” lays out implementation steps, and includes model state legislation to allow and encourage districts to create such schools.

WEBINAR: Advancing the Gains Made by Black and Brown Students in the Next Administration

The Progressive Policy Institute hosted a conversation on how members of the Democratic Party can better protect recent gains made by Black and Brown students while advancing these gains after the 2020 Presidential Election. The conversation surrounded gains made by Black and Brown students, how these gains were made, and more importantly how Democrats can ensure the gains continue under the next Administration.

Speakers:
– U.S. Senator Michael Bennet, (D) Colorado
– David Osborne, Progressive Policy Institute
– Honorable Antonio Villaraigosa, Former Mayor, City of Los Angeles
– Keri Rodrigues, National Parents Union
– Dr. Howard Fuller, Freedom Coalition for Charter Schools

Moderator: Curtis Valentine, Deputy Director of Reinventing America’s Schools Project.

Watch on YouTube here. On the go? Listen to the conversation where you find your podcasts:

Anchor.FM – https://anchor.fm/ppi4/episodes/Advancing-the-Gains-Made-by-Black-and-Brown-Students-in-the-next-Administration-ejpin4/a-a1pvt2
Spotify – https://open.spotify.com/show/3t3TmdJgAtgIahj7ck2LE4
Google Podcasts – https://www.google.com/podcasts?feed=aHR0cHM6Ly9hbmNob3IuZm0vcy8yNjBlMGRhMC9wb2RjYXN0L3Jzcw==
Overcast – https://overcast.fm/itunes1519327729/progressive-policy-institute
Breaker – https://www.breaker.audio/progressive-policy-institute
Pocketcasts – https://pca.st/mkyyayqv
Radio Public – https://radiopublic.com/progressive-policy-institute-6vwjYQ

America’s Remote Learning Imperative

The coronavirus pandemic is an historic test of the resilience of one of America’s most precious public assets: our public schools. So far, it’s a test we are failing. Tens of millions of children have fallen far behind in their studies. These learning losses will cascade as health fears keep most schools closed this fall – unless schools do a much better job of delivering effective online instruction to all students stranded at home.

As the pandemic continues to spread, it’s hard to imagine a more urgent national imperative than making sure all school districts are equipped to meet this challenge. At stake are the future prospects of 50.8 million public school students—especially those from low-income families, which have been the most severely affected by school closings.  

There is no single cause of this failure and no single cure. Access to computers and high-speed internet is obviously essential and should be a priority. However, the core problem is that most schools are still unprepared to deliver quality remote instruction.  Most of our large, bureaucratic, overly centralized school systems move too slowly, train their teachers inadequately, and fail to engage too many of their students, as well as their parents. 

The U.S. needs a crash program—on a scale equivalent to the 1960s moonshot, but faster—aimed at helping our schools operate virtually, both as a substitute for and an important complement to live instruction. We need a multi-pronged push by elected leaders, school officials, parents and businesses to ensure that every child who needs it has equal access to high-quality remote learning—in 2020 and beyond. We should turn the immediate crisis into an opportunity both to minimize learning loss during the pandemic and to build a strong platform for better teaching and learning for the long term.

Our strategy must be holistic.  If the focus is solely on laptops and internet connections, the effort will fail. It must include:

  • intensive professional development for teachers in online, synchronous teaching and use of available online curricula and resources; 
  • help for teachers and schools in engaging parents — who are, after all, every child’s first teacher; 
  • help for parents whose jobs and other responsibilities make it difficult or impossible to also serve as teachers’ aides at home;
  • development of new assessment tools to measure the effectiveness of different forms of remote education; 
  • support for students’ social-emotional learning and mental health; 
  • reform of school districts to give schools the flexibility they need to innovate rapidly; and 
  • redoubled efforts to improve literacy and digital literacy in students, particularly in low-income communities.

With our decentralized model of public education, this burden will fall on the shoulders of state and local leaders. Since they are financially strapped by the economic shutdown, however, the federal government must provide emergency funding. As Hoff Varner, a PTA President in Alameda, California, told The New York Times, “If we were a country interested in saving schools the same way we’ve saved airlines and banks, then this is a problem we could solve.” 

Instead of problem-solving, President Trump and his party have subjected the country to a needlessly partisan argument over whether or not to physically reopen schools.  

Like wearing masks and reopening the economy, reopening the schools should not be a political question. It must depend on whether parents, public health officials, and K-12 leaders believe it is safe for children and teachers in any particular locale to return to the classroom. A mid-July Axios-Ipsos poll showed that 7 in 10 American parents believed in-person classroom instruction was still too risky. 

Yet Congressional Republicans are treating the question like another partisan political football. While the GOP Senate bill offered $70 billion for K-12 public schools, Republicans proposed withholding two-thirds of funds from any school district until it submits a plan to the governor providing a detailed timeline for in-person instruction.

This made no sense. Apart from the historical irony of Republicans trying to dictate local school policy from Washington, it could jeopardize the health of millions of students, their parents, and educators. Republican lawmakers must drop their foolish threat to withhold money from schools that don’t physically reopen, and join with Democrats to approve the $70 billion as soon as possible, while also supporting effective public health strategies that will ultimately allow schools to reopen safely. 

If that money is distributed by the same formula used last spring for the first $13 billion in federal aid to schools, it would give more money to schools with more low-income students.  That will create an enormous opportunity for our urban schools. Using that formula, former Chicago Public Schools CEO Paul Vallas estimates that Chicago Public Schools, with an operating budget of $6.4 billion a year, will get just over $1 billion in new federal money. That is probably enough to assemble the resources and support across many fronts—if teachers, administrators, school boards, businesses, non-profits, unions, parents, and elected leaders cooperate to dramatically accelerate what to this point has been a slow evolution toward adopting and exploiting the full potential of digitally-enabled remote learning.

What Happened Last Spring

The decisions last spring to send all children home understandably caught America’s 131,000 public, private, and charter K-12 schools off guard. Some districts and schools rose to the challenge; many more did not. 

Now teachers’ unions are agitating against both opening schools prematurely and against expectations that they prepare to become full-time online instructors. Unions obviously are right to be concerned about their members’ safety. But the unions can’t have it both ways. If schools stay closed while teachers balk at providing synchronous remote instruction, millions of U.S. children will fall even further behind. Primary and middle schoolers won’t be acquiring the foundational skills – in phonics, reading and arithmetic – they need to become lifetime learners and productive workers. 

Data on the spring semester makes it extremely clear that things must change in the fall. 

By April 3, three weeks after school districts began shutting down, 76 percent of the 82 large districts studied by the University of Washington’s Center on Reinventing Public Education (CRPE) still provided no instruction to students. More distressing, by May 22, a third of them still provide no instruction. 

But even that finding was overly optimistic. In a later CPRE study of a statistically representative sample of 477 school districts, “We found just one in three districts expect teachers to provide instruction, track student engagement, or monitor academic progress for all students—fewer districts than our initial study suggested,” CRPE reported. “Far too many districts are leaving learning to chance during the coronavirus closures.” 

The most damning finding: “Only 14.5 percent of school districts with the highest concentration of students receiving free or reduced-price lunch expect teachers to provide live instruction.”

National student surveys reflected the same disappointing reality: 41 percent of teens did not attend any online or virtual classes; 78 percent reported spending only one to four hours per day on online learning; 32 percent reported two hours or less; and nearly one in four said they were connecting with their teachers less than once a week. 

In a survey by YouthTruth, reports CRPE Director Robin Lake, “Only 50 percent of students say they were able to focus on learning and only 41 percent said they were motivated to do schoolwork.”

In sum, about half of U.S. public school students received little or no instruction from March onward.

McKinsey & Company, the international consulting firm, estimated how much learning would be lost in the next school year, based on modeling three scenarios for the next school year. In the first, in-class instruction resumes in fall 2020. In the second, school closures and part-time schedules continue intermittently through the 2020–21 school year, with full-time, in-school instruction delayed until January 2021. In the third scenario, the virus is not controlled until vaccines are available, and schools operate remotely for the entire 2020–21 school year.

In the second scenario — the one most likely at this point in many places — students would lose three to four months of learning (beginning in March 2020) if they received “average” remote instruction, seven to 11 months with “lower-quality” remote instruction, and 12 to 14 months if they received no instruction (thanks to a “summer learning loss” that lasted for 17 months).

If districts fail to get their acts together, leaving vulnerable student populations to experience another semester like the one that just ended, millions may never regain their academic footing. Racial and socioeconomic achievement gaps would widen because of disparities in access to devices, internet connections, schools with coherent remote learning plans, live instruction from teachers, and parental supervision (especially in single-parent homes).

 This would do lasting damage to students’ personal development and long-term learning prospects, as well as to the US economy as a whole. In 2009, McKinsey estimated the achievement gap between high- and low-income students deprived the U.S. economy of $400 billion to $670 billion a year in productivity.  An inadequate online learning response in the coming year will increase that achievement gap.

The Digital Divide

While America’s digital divide has been closing steadily, significant gaps remain. The digital divide has two primary components: broadband adoption and internet-ready computer equipment (generally laptops). 

According to the Federal Communication Commission’s latest report, 95 percent of the nation had access to mobile (LTE) coverage in 2018, and nearly 94 percent of the population had access to “advanced” fixed (wireline) broadband.  That percentage falls to 77 percent and 72 percent for people living in rural and Tribal areas, respectively. “On average, deployment is highest in census block groups with the highest median household income, the highest population density, and the lowest poverty rate,” the FCC notes. 

Almost all (96 percent) students from households earning more than $150,000 had access to a laptop or desktop computer before the pandemic, compared to only half (51 percent) of students in households earning less than $25,000. A recent study on America’s “homework gap” estimates that nearly 17 million U.S. students, especially students of color, lack fixed (wireline) internet access at home. 

Before the pandemic about a quarter of Black and Latinx households had not adopted residential broadband, compared to 10 percent of white households and 5 percent of Asian households. Among students whose families earned less than $30,000 annually, 35 percent didn’t have a broadband connection at home; in households earning more than $75,000, just 6 percent had not adopted residential broadband. 

According to researchers at the University of Michigan, students who rely mainly on mobile connections lag behind those who have fixed broadband at home:      

We find that students who do not have access to the Internet from home or are dependent on a cell phone alone for access perform lower on a range of metrics, including digital skills, homework completion, and grade point average. They are also less likely to intend on completing a college or university degree. A deficit in digital skills compounds many of the inequalities in access and contributes to students performing lower on standardized test scores, such as the SAT, and being less interested in careers related to science, technology, engineering, and math.

The Federal Communications Commission created a “Keep Americans Connected” challenge to broadband operators last March. To date, more than 800 companies and associations have pledged to (1) refrain from terminating internet service to any residential or small business customers because of their temporary inability to pay bills; (2) waive any late fees that residential or small business customers incur as a result of the pandemic; and (3) open their Wi-Fi hotspots to any American who needs them. 

The nation’s broadband providers developed new programs and expanded existing programs to help low-wage workers and families that didn’t subscribe to internet at home. For example, Cox Cable offered discounted internet to families with children who qualified for subsidized meals, selected veterans, senior citizens, college students, public housing residents, and families that received rental assistance. Comcast, Spectrum, Optimum, Suddenlink, and others offered free broadband and Wi-Fi access for 60 days to certain customers—for example, students and low-income households.

Some schools and districts engaged with community partners to ensure students had access to high-speed internet. Public libraries offered mobile hotspots. Some school districts converted buses into mobile hotspots and parked them in high-need communities.  Alabama has used $10 million in federal relief funds to make every bus in the state a Wi-Fi hotspot. 

In addition to internet access, many schools and districts stepped up in the spring, distributing laptops or tablets and internet-connectivity devices. In Seattle, for example, Amazon donated 8,200 laptops to the public school system, and the nonprofit Partnership for Connecticut distributed 60,000 laptops statewide, which Dell provided at a 62 percent discount. Philanthropists provided support for laptops in many communities.

These efforts need to be continued and expanded, with federal and state support.  However, having broadband and devices is simply not enough, as all the data indicate. Even when provided with both, many students simply were unprepared for virtual learning. Ten weeks into the shutdown, the School District of Philadelphia reported that nearly 40 percent of students failed to attend online school on an average day. In Chicago, where 90 percent of public school students had online access, 41 percent logged into an online classroom fewer than three times a week

In Los Angeles, despite an offer of free Wi-Fi service for all disconnected students rolled out in March, daily absenteeism from March through May (measured by daily logins to the district’s online learning platform) averaged 40% of all secondary students on any given day. 

There are too many barriers to successful online education that go well beyond just putting a connected laptop in a child’s hands, and those barriers must be broken down. Students must be engaged in learning by their schools and teachers; parents have to support, encourage, and push them; states and school districts must learn how to measure the effectiveness of different remote learning approaches; and districts need to give their schools the flexibility to change their staffing models, budgets, and teaching strategies.

PPI recommends that states, districts, and charter schools focus on the following areas:

Training Teachers

Despite scant experience or training in virtual education, many teachers were thrust overnight into a wrenching transition from face-to-face instruction to online teaching. And most districts were not prepared to train them. Seven out of ten surveyed teachers reported they had not been properly prepared for virtual learning. The Washington Post reported that a survey found 43 percent of school administrators and 57 percent of teachers feeling “overwhelmed” by distance learning instruction.

In New York City, teachers were only given three days of training in online instruction, which for many of them was a first-time-ever introduction to basic learning platforms such as Google Classroom. But few teachers across the country had ever had to figure out how the keep third graders engaged in a Zoom class all day, how to use online content to excite the curiosity of inner city kids, how to grade fairly when some homes had no parent available to assist, or dozens of other challenges. For thousands of dedicated and conscientious teachers, the learning curve toward a new and different style of pedagogy has been steep. 

A new survey of 800 educators by EdTech Evidence Exchange and the University of Virginia found that only 27 percent of teachers participated in any kind of formal professional learning for online instruction last spring. About a quarter of teachers reported they covered no new material during the school closings, while more than half said they covered less of the curriculum than they normally do. 

Some districts are wisely delaying school openings to allow time to train teachers in remote learning. For instance, Clark County, Nevada’s largest district, delayed the start of school by two weeks to provide teachers 10 full days of professional development.

There are many kinds of educational software already available that schools can use, much of it free. For instance, Summit Public Schools in California has spent the past decade developing and sharing its Summit Learning Program for free with almost 400 other schools around the country. Developed by its teachers and programmed by software engineers provided by Mark Zuckerberg, it is a sophisticated system that uses software and online tools to help kids acquire content knowledge and projects to help them develop their deeper learning skills, such as research, writing, speaking, critical thinking, and teamwork.

Khan Academy, developed by Salman Kahn, is another widely used and highly respected free resource. It provides more than 6,500 video lessons in math, science, computing, arts and humanities, economics, reading, and life skills. By 2020, it had more than 5.6 million subscribers, and its videos had been viewed more than 1.7 billion times

Most teachers need intensive training to learn about their instructional options, confer with school leaders and parents about which option best meet their students’ needs, and become comfortable using them. On top of that, teachers need training in how to engage students and keep them engaged—an entirely different challenge during remote education than with a classroom full of children. 

Hit especially hard by school closures were the 7.1 million students ages 3-21 who required special education services. Not only did many of them lack computers and residential broadband, but many were cut off from occupational, speech, and physical therapy. Because the hallmark of special education is individualized or small-group support for students with a wide array of unique needs, it is impossible to devise a standard “model” for remote learning. Online programs and computers must be tailored to reflect students’ various disabilities. Some experts believe teachers should also offer one-on-one support to acclimate special needs students to learning by computer and to track their progress. 

Some states allow in-person supports for students with disabilities. In Maryland and California, some providers may visit children’s homes,” reports Beth Hawkins in The 74. “In Washington state, some students can attend meetings and receive services in school buildings with proper social distancing.”

As many parents with pre-schoolers discovered last spring, trying to deliver early learning digitally also can be an exasperating experience for everyone involved. According to education researcher Jesse McNeill:

Distance learning presents a particular challenge to early childhood learners. Remote learning strategies that work for older students (e.g., synchronous, hour-long lectures) do not translate to younger students who rely heavily on adult facilitation and cannot pay attention for long periods. In addition, many early childhood learning activities require one-on-one facilitation or small-group interaction, which is difficult to deliver in a distance learning environment.

To surmount such difficulties, pre-K teachers and parents will have to work closely together to develop routines around remote instruction that respect the multiple pressures on working parents, and that also build in opportunities for the face-to-face interactions that young children need. 

In short, online learning isn’t simply a matter of parking a teacher in front of a camera and rolling the tape. Everyone – students, teachers, parents and administrators – will need training in new ways to teach and learn. 

Engaging and Supporting Parents

The effectiveness of virtual learning often hinges on how engaged parents are in making sure their children participate. In effect, remote learning shifts some of the burden of administering their children’s education from teachers to parents, who also have to navigate their own work responsibilities. One recent study found that 60 percent of teachers say that the lack of parental supervision and support at home is a key reason why students don’t participate in online learning.

Many older and low-income parents lack digital skills (and some lack English language skills) to coach their children on how to learn online. In fact, according to a survey by the Joan Ganz Cooney Center, many parents ironically look to their kids to teach them these skills:

Children frequently help their parents use devices that connect to the Internet, such as computers, tablets, and smartphones. Half (53 percent) of all low- and moderate-income parents who use the Internet say that their child helps them, including 63 percent of those whose child is between 10 and 13 years old. Parents with lower educational attainment are more likely to turn to their children for help: 62 percent of those who did not graduate from high school do so, compared with 45 percent of those with a college degree. Hispanic parents are the most likely to say that their child has helped them use Internet-connected devices (63 percent, compared with 45 percent of Whites), but there were no statistically significant differences within the Hispanic community by income, language, or immigrant generation. 

The Centers for Disease Control (CDC) estimates that in households with minor children, only about 35 percent of parents are able to telework from home. Since someone has to stay home to take care of the kids, single parents who aren’t able to telework are forced to give up their jobs. Only 19.7 percent of Blacks and 16.2 percent of Latinos can telework and support their children’s learning throughout the day.

Remote learning places a special burden on parents who also happen to be teachers. According to the Brookings Institution, nearly half of public school teachers have children living at home. It’s difficult to deliver online instruction to their students while also helping their children get the most from their online courses – especially if both things are happening at the same time. 

Federal funds to help parents afford childcare during the upcoming school year are essential, including support for innovative solutions such as “learning pods” or “pandemic pods.” These are small groups of students who learn together with an in-person teacher or tutor. A Godsend to parents trying to juggle their day jobs while also supervising their childrens’ education, learning pods nonetheless are expensive and families with low and modest incomes should get public help to defray the costs. 

Schools also need to engage parents in helping to teach their children, particularly parents without computer skills. In Prince George’s County, Maryland, the school district has created nine Parent Centers throughout the 133,000-student district, where parents can get help with using computers and other challenges. The Centers give parents tips on keeping children engaged, connecting with a Parent Teacher Organization (PTO), and finding the best ways to communicate with teachers and monitor student participation.

A practice of many of the nation’s best charter schools to encourage parental engagement should be widely adopted.  Many charters have long sent teachers to visit their students’ homes and asked parents to sign contracts that commit them to supporting the education of their children. Some of the nation’s more innovative school districts, including those in Denver and Washington, D.C., have begun to emulate this practice. Several studies have found that students perform better when teachers actively reach out to their parents.

But not all “family engagement” is equally effective. As many parents know, involvement in a PTA, a potluck dinner at school, or a back-to-school night doesn’t help their kids learn. Research suggests that parents can best help their children by communicating high expectations and the value of learning, monitoring progress and holding their children accountable, supporting learning at home, advocating for them, and guiding their major decisions to college or career.

Some schools and districts actively help parents develop these skills. The Flamboyan Foundation, a leader in this field, has trained thousands of teachers, particularly in Washington, D.C.  The training has several purposes, according to Flamboyan’s former executive director, Susan Stevenson: 1) to change teacher beliefs and mindsets about parents, so they see parents as assets and engaging them as part of their responsibility; 2) to build trusting, mutually respectful relationships and two-way communication with families; 3) to help teachers work with parents (and their surrogates), so those parents can help their children succeed in school; 4) and to enable teachers to learn from families about their children, so they can better teach them. 

Districts and charter networks should use some of any federal money that arrives to train and pay their teachers to do these things, virtually as well as physically. Funding will also be necessary to provide translators for parents and other caregivers who don’t speak English. 

Finally, each school should have a communication plan to ensure parents have access to timely information about available resources. Schools should also create support groups for parents of multiple children, parents of special needs students, and parents who are essential workers and cannot stay home to make sure their children are keeping up with their studies. 

Assessing Student Progress

As students return to school, whether virtually or in person, using diagnostic tests to assess their current level of content knowledge will be critical to charting a path forward. Without preliminary assessments, schools and parents will lack a yardstick for measuring the gains (or losses) from remote instruction. 

Districts and schools will need an injection of federal and state resources and support to design ways to regularly assess how well different forms of remote learning are working, so teachers can continuously improve their offerings. End-of-year tests do not help with this task: schools will need to assess progress every six weeks or so. While some already do that in some form, all will need to learn which forms of assessment work best in a remote-learning environment. For instance, they will need to incorporate student and parent surveys into their assessments, to measure student engagement. And they will need to measure and emphasize academic growth (how much children learn over time), not just proficiency (whether they are at grade level). 

Most states already require some form of annual growth measurement, although California’s approach is woeful and some other states could strengthen their methods. Tennessee’s Value-Added Assessment System offers a good model, but districts will need a different approach to measure growth more often than once a year. 

Supporting Students’ Social-Emotional Learning and Mental Health

Successful schools help students not just to learn content, but to develop their social-emotional competencies, such as persistence, self-discipline, responsible decision-making, ability to work with others, and ability to set and achieve goals. Like many things, this becomes more challenging in a remote-learning environment. 

One key is establishing close relationships between teachers and students. In most successful charter schools, for instance, all students participate in an “advisory” or “family”—a group of 15 or so students with one teacher. They meet regularly and often focus on activities and discussions meant to build social-emotional competencies. The teacher is expected to get to know each student and their family well and to keep track of how they are doing. Many charter school leaders believe that these close relationships—more than any other factor—helped make their transitions to remote learning effective.  

The Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL) has published a guide to enhancing social-emotional learning in this time, which includes many other useful suggestions. 

As the pandemic moves through communities, it leaves behind emotional scars. Particularly in communities of color, students grieve the loss or illness of parents and other relatives, in isolation from their friends. In the coming months, more of them will face economic hardship, including eviction from their homes. For some, mental health issues will become acute. Clearly, districts and schools need federal and state funds to hire additional social workers and psychologists who can reach out and work with students and their families dealing with trauma. 

Modernizing School System Organization 

In addition to delivering emergency aid to schools so that our children keep learning during the pandemic, our leaders need to craft a long-term strategy for making our K-12 system more resilient against future pandemics or other shocks. They should pay heed to a key lesson from school districts’ uneven performance last spring: organization matters.

Most of America’s K-12 public schools are organized under a century-old model, in which school districts own and operate all schools within a defined geography and vest authority to make all key decisions in a superintendent and his or her staff, not in school principals.

Centralized, rule-driven, bureaucratic monopolies worked well enough during the Industrial Era, when most graduates would go on to manual labor or stay home and raise kids. But global competition has raised the bar dramatically; today’s graduates must be able to do so much more to earn a decent living. Meanwhile, the pace of change has accelerated and computer technologies have made amazing things possible. 

In response, a new model for school organization and governance has begun to emerge, geared to the knowledge economy. Non-hierarchical and decentralized, the new model is built upon school autonomy, strict public accountability, and the ability to choose among very different schools tailored to the diverse needs of children. In the 21st century, success comes from decentralized networks of mission-driven organizations whose customers have choices, not from top-down bureaucracies.

This explains why public charter schools, which are freed from district bureaucracies, educate urban children far more effectively than district schools in most cities. By their fourth year in a charter, urban charter students learn 50 percent more every year than district students with similar demographics and past test scores, according to a study of 41 urban regions by Stanford University’s Center for Research on Education Outcomes.

Free from red tape and bureaucracy, charters are also nimbler than district-operated schools. Recent surveys by the Center for Reinventing Public Education, at the University of Washington, showed that charter management organizations transitioned to distance learning faster and more thoroughly this spring than districts did, on average. They were already more likely to use educational software, to deliver personalized learning, and to engage parents in their children’s learning. CRPE found that many of them quickly redefined teachers’ roles and responsibilities to fit the new reality—using teacher leaders for each grade to lead the redesign of instruction, record sample lessons, and organize professional development for other teachers, for instance.  

On the other hand, school districts had the resources to purchase and distribute computers and hotspots quickly, a big advantage. To adapt to remote learning effectively, in other words, school systems needed strong central offices capable of marshaling resources but decentralized operation of individual schools, so empowered principals and teachers can quickly implement remote education and the support systems required for success.  

New Orleans, a district in which every public school is chartered, provides a compelling example of how to take advantage of district-level power and school-level adaptability. Within three school days of the sudden closure, more than half the city’s public schools were handing out free meals. Within three weeks of closure, the school district had procured thousands of laptops and hotspots, which it then delivered to schools for distribution to those who needed them.

By March 23, the beginning of the second week of school building closures, at least 97 percent of New Orleans public schools had begun providing their students with some form of physical and/or digital educational resources to continue learning,” reports New Schools for New Orleans. By mid-April, a Louisiana Department of Education survey showed that teachers at all New Orleans public schools were reaching out to their students at least weekly, teachers at 90 percent were giving students feedback on their work, and teachers at 80 percent were delivering new content across all grade levels. This summer 60 percent of New Orleans’ charters offered virtual summer school to prevent an exacerbated “summer slide” (learning loss) for their students. 

The combination of capable central offices that can steer well and empowered school leaders and teachers who can row effectively is possible in a system of charter schools. But it is also possible in districts that give schools charter-like autonomy. (With this autonomy must come accountability for performance—including potential replacement by a stronger operator—since not all autonomous schools will succeed.) 

More than a dozen school districts across the nation are converting significant numbers of their schools to this model. A good example is Indianapolis Public Schools, which has converted a third of its schools to nonprofit organizations with full autonomy and five-year performance agreements. They are called “innovation network schools,” and they include restarts of failing schools, new startups, conversions of district schools, and conversions of charter schools. Since they were launched five years ago, they have been the fastest improving group of schools in the district.

States should create incentives – both carrots and sticks — for districts to do this. In Texas, for instance, the state can appoint a new school board if a district school is rated failing for five years in a row. But districts that recruit nonprofit organizations to operate “partnership schools” get a two-year reprieve from sanctions, plus an average of $1,000 per student per year in extra funding to help turn around those schools. 

Because such autonomous schools have more leeway to create innovative approaches to distance learning, other states should pass similar legislation, and Congress should include a financial incentive to encourage states to do so. By devoting as little as $2-3 billion to challenge grants for states that empower and encourage their districts to shift toward a more decentralized model, the federal government could speed up a transition that is underway but moving far too slowly.

Conclusion

The various investments proposed above focus on the immediate need to improve remote learning, but they will benefit students when they return to school buildings as well. Educational software and online resources are incredibly valuable, whether as primary or secondary/homework materials, and the more familiar teachers, students and parents are with them, the better. Parental engagement is an area most schools need to improve rather dramatically, so improvements made during a period of exclusively remote learning will benefit their students as more normal conditions return. Assessment of student progress is already rudimentary at too many schools, so efforts to expand it and make it more sophisticated during the pandemic can help for the long term. The same goes for social-emotional learning and mental health supports. And finally, the need to modernize our century-old operating systems for public education was acute before the pandemic and will remain so afterward.

America’s school districts and charter networks will use some of any forthcoming emergency federal money for technology, and some of it to make their school buildings safer when students return to them. But educational leaders should not ignore the “people” side of the equation. More than anything else, we need more involved parents, teachers with more expertise in using educational software and the Internet, students able to learn because they have support in dealing with the trauma in their lives, and school districts in which the central office can steer effectively but leave the rowing—the operational decisions about hiring, firing, budget, curriculum and school day and year—to those hired to run the school.

Online Courses Cost Too Much—So Do Onsite Classes

After welcoming undergraduates back to campus, Notre Dame, Michigan State, and the University of North Carolina (among others), experienced outbreaks of COVID-19. The result—they switched back to remote learning. With 26,000 cases of coronavirus linked to college campuses, more will soon follow. While some of those schools will offer discounts for online courses, many others won’t. Is this fair?

Students don’t think so. In a recent survey, 93 percent of undergraduates said online tuition should be reduced. This result isn’t a surprise. Most of us equate “online” with “less expensive.” But while other industries have been able to cut prices taking advantage of technology and the Internet—colleges and universities (with the exception of massive online courses or MOOCs) typically charge the same for online and onsite courses. Why?

Read Paul’s full op-ed here.