Langhorne for The Washington Post, “D.C. Graduation Fraud? Not in the Charter Schools.”

For the past six months, scandal after scandal has come to light in the nation’s capital as the media’s interrogation lamps have shone on D.C. Public Schools.

In November, WAMU exposed a graduation scandal at Ballou High School, leading the Office of the State Superintendent to launch an investigation into DCPS.  The investigation revealed district-wide complicity in a systemic culture that pressured teachers to pass students regardless of their attendance or academic performance. The report concluded that one in three 2017 DCPS graduates were awarded diplomas in violation of district policies.

Best-case scenario, 67 percent of the class of 2018 graduated. That’s a significant drop from the 73 percent rate the district claimed in 2017.

What’s happened in DCPS is tragic — not only that the number of students graduating declined but also that DCPS has been graduating students who aren’t prepared for life beyond school.

Yet there is a story of real academic progress in the nation’s capital. It’s the story of the other public schools, the ones educating nearly 50 percent of public school students. It’s the story of D.C.’s charter schools.

Continue reading at The Washington Post.

Langhorne for Forbes, “Teachers Village: One City’s Innovative Solution to The Problem of Teacher Retention”

In many cities across the nation, home values and rents have risen so high they are pricing teachers out of the market. Young teachers either spend the majority of their paychecks on rent, deal with long daily commutes, or leave the profession. In a survey of public school teachers who left the profession in 2012, two thirds of those who said they would consider returning rated increased salaries as an important factor in that decision.

Raising salaries is difficult for districts, given the twin burdens of state funding cuts since the Great Recession and skyrocketing costs for health care and pensions. But innovators in Newark, New Jersey, have found a solution: a new “Teachers Village” that gives teachers subsidized rents in the center of the city.

Teachers receive discounts of seven to 15% off units’ market rate, and currently seventy percent of the residents are educators. Twenty percent of the apartments are discounted for individuals earning up to 80% of Newark’s Area Median Income, while the remaining 10 percent are rented at market rates.

Continue reading at Forbes.

Langhorne for The 74, “Independence, Assertiveness, Ability to Correct Others – Behavioral Traits of Top-Performing Teachers”

When asked about my education in a traditional public high school, I always talk about Mr. Gebler’s pre-calculus class. I remember it well for two reasons. One, I struggled to earn a C. Two, his standards — like his eccentric behavior and dedication to students — were so exceptional that I actually retained the content after the school year ended.

A draft research report by workplace survey company Pairin confirms what I’d always known: Mr. Gebler was a top-tier teacher.

Pairin recently analyzed survey results from 9,359 teachers in traditional public schools and 390 in public charter schools. It found that certain behavioral attributes — motivation, independence, and the ability to correct others — correlate with high performance. Mr. Gebler had all of these.

Today, however, many educators who share these behavioral qualities aren’t working in our nation’s traditional public schools. They’re working in charter schools.

“When we look at the aggregated survey results, more charter school teachers share the qualities that we’ve found in all top-performing teachers,” says Pairin CEO Michael Simpson. “What we’re trying to figure out is why trends in behavior differ between these two sectors and how we can help teachers overall be more successful.”

Continue reading at The 74.

Innovating Out of Student Debt

A “College Finance Innovation Fund” could accelerate ideas to lower debt and make schools more accountable for their graduates’ success

For many students, the burden of student debt lingers years after leaving college, dragging down their finances and household security. New federal data find that, 12 years after enrollment, students with debt still owed, on average, two-thirds of what they had borrowed – and as many as 27 percent had defaulted.

Colleges, however, face no equivalent long-term financial stake in their students’ education: their obligations are done once the tuition is paid and the last exam is graded. Except perhaps for the pressure to put on a good show for U.S. News & World Report’s college rankings, schools have little incentive to ensure their students can land good jobs with decent pay – let alone graduate. Students bear the full risk of their investment and cope with the fallout if things don’t pan out as planned.

This lopsided burden of risk is one reason a dramatic expansion in financial aid – i.e., “free college” – can’t solve the crisis in college affordability. Schools would see no need to rein in their costs or to share the risks of investing in education with their students. In fact, the opposite. If the government is willing to pick up more of the tab for students, there’s no reason that tab wouldn’t simply grow – with potentially no reduction in student debt.

Income share agreements’ could help more students avoid debt – with the right regulation

Students, policymakers, and members of the American public have increasingly acknowledged the crippling impact of student loans for many college graduates. In response, a growing number of schools are offering an alternative financing option to students: so-called “income share agreements.” Instead of taking out a loan and paying it back over time with interest, students with income share agreements (ISAs) commit to pay a fixed percentage of their income for a specified number of years after graduation in exchange for tuition. Under these agreements, graduates may end up paying more than or less than the total amount of funding they received in the first place — their obligation depends on their income.

Although ISAs are still relatively uncommon in the higher education landscape, they are gaining traction with an increasing number of colleges. The most notable participant so far is Indiana’s Purdue University, whose “Back a Boiler” program uses philanthropic donations and funds from the school’s endowment[1] to offer ISAs to hundreds of students. So far, the school’s ISAs have totaled more than $6 million in financing.[2] Other schools endorsing income share agreement programs include Point Loma Nazarene University in California, Lackawanna College in Pennsylvania, and Clarkson University in New York.[3] In addition to colleges and universities, career-focused institutions such as coding schools are also adopting the model.[4]

ISAs are funded either directly by the school or administered by third-party companies such as the Virginia-based start-up Vemo. Proponents say that ISAs give colleges “skin in the game” as far as how their graduates fare after school, because they have an incentive to ensure that students obtain well-paying jobs. The same is true for ISA companies such as Vemo.[5]

But as interest in ISAs grows, there is so far very little legal guidance as to how these agreements should be structured. With more private investors entering this space, public policy should protect participants from unfair terms and facilitate clear, legally legitimate agreements between funders and students. Setting reasonable regulations around income share agreements would also help to develop a robust market for this product and ensure that “bad actors” don’t cripple the market for ISAs before it takes root.

A promising proposal to set a regulatory framework for ISAs is the bipartisan “Investing in Student Success Act of 2017” (S.268), sponsored by Sens. Marco Rubio (R-FL) and Todd Young (R-IN) in the Senate and its companion bill, the “ISA Act of 2017” (H.R.3145), sponsored by Reps. Luke Messer (R-IN), Jared Polis (D-CO), Trey Hollingsworth (R-IN), Jackie Walorski (R-IN), Erik Paulsen (R-MN), Jim Banks (R-IN), Krysten Sinema (D-AZ), and Randy Hultgren (R-IL) in the House. Both bills establish standardized terms for an ISA, including the percentage of income and duration of payment required of the graduate, terms for potential prepayment, and an explicit definition of income. Requirements such as these will ensure the creation of a uniform financial product with legal certainty for both students and institutions.

The Senate and House proposals also establish some protections for graduates regarding their ISA payments. The bills establish a “maximum commitment factor” of 2.25, which is calculated by multiplying the percentage of income required in the ISA contract by the number of years left in the agreement. By capping commitment in this manner, the legislation would prevent lenders from requiring both a very high percentage of income and long duration of payments from graduates. The bills also dictate that graduates will not be required to make any payments during periods of time when their incomes fall below a certain level ($15,000 adjusted for inflation annually in the Senate bill; 150 percent of the poverty line for a single person in the House bill). This is a key component in why ISAs are an appealing financing option for many people: during sustained periods of financial hardship, graduates are protected. The bills also establish an overall maximum commitment level for students who might have multiple ISAs (e.g. for undergrad and graduate school).

While a good start, the bills could also include explicit protections from discrimination in the administration of ISAs. While proponents argue that ISAs would allow more minority and low-income students to be able to afford higher education, skeptics argue that ISA investors could still find ways to discriminate against certain students. Specifically, “one of the major arguments against ISAs is that private investors could refuse to fund certain high-risk pools of students, such as minorities, first-generation students or those pursuing lower-paying careers.”[6] Again, regulation is key here. Through clear terms in legislation, Congress could set expectations about which students can get ISAs on what terms. By emphasizing forward-looking prospects after graduation, ISA requirements can more effectively support students coming from many different backgrounds.

ISAs are not a silver bullet for solving the problem of college affordability. For this reason, PPI has also proposed a “College Finance Innovation Fund” which can help test, evaluate, and bring to scale innovations such as ISAs — as well as other new ideas that emerge. Among other things, such a fund could help support research to examine who gets ISAs on what terms, how these programs impact the ability of low-income students to build a credit history,[7] and what implications ISAs have for the diversity of the federal loan portfolio.[8]

In the meantime, students are eager for alternatives to traditional student loans, and ISAs offer a promising way to help many young people supplement or replace their existing funding for school. Smart regulation can help ensure that ISAs live up to their potential.


[1] Allesandra Lanza, “Alternative to Student Loans: Income-Share Agreements,” US News & World Report, 2018, https://www.usnews.com/education/blogs/student-loan-ranger/articles/2018-01-24/alternative-to-student-loans-income-share-agreements.

[2] Danielle Douglas-Gabriel, “A new way emerges to cover college tuition. But is it a better way?” Washington Post, 2017, https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/education/a-new-way-emerges-to-cover-college-tuition-but-is-it-a-better-way/2017/12/31/6519d100-d9c9-11e7-b859-fb0995360725_story.html?utm_term=.453e57d3eee3.

[3] Danielle Douglas-Gabriel, “A new way emerges to cover college tuition. But is it a better way?” Washington Post, 2017, https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/education/a-new-way-emerges-to-cover-college-tuition-but-is-it-a-better-way/2017/12/31/6519d100-d9c9-11e7-b859-fb0995360725_story.html?utm_term=.453e57d3eee3.

[4] Frank Chaparro, “Investors are paying college students’ tuition — but they want a share of future income in return,” Business Insider, 2017, https://www.businessinsider.com/income-share-agreements-help-students-pay-for-college-loan-alternative-2017-3.

[5] Amelia Friedman, “Why One University Is Sharing the Risk on Student Debt,” The Atlantic, 2017, https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2017/03/why-one-university-is-sharing-the-risk-on-student-debt/519570/.

[6] Allesandra Lanza, “Alternative to Student Loans: Income-Share Agreements,” US News & World Report, 2018, https://www.usnews.com/education/blogs/student-loan-ranger/articles/2018-01-24/alternative-to-student-loans-income-share-agreements.

[7] Michael Horn, “Profiling the Rise of Income Share Agreements in Higher Ed,” Forbes, 2017, https://www.forbes.com/sites/michaelhorn/2017/06/15/profiling-the-rise-of-income-share-agreements-in-higher-ed/#14a4108c5fee.

[8] Clare McCann and Sophie Nguyen, “Income Share Agreements Aren’t a Solution to Student Loan Debt,” New America, 2017, https://www.newamerica.org/education-policy/edcentral/income-share-agreements-arent-solution-student-debt/.

Reinventing America’s Schools Project Update: Introducing Curtis Valentine

WASHINGTON—The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) today announced Curtis Valentine as the new Deputy Director of the Reinventing America’s Schools project. Valentine will work with Director David Osborne to promote our long-term vision for 21st century education systems, characterized by autonomous, accountable, and equitable public schools of choice.
 
Valentine’s work will focus on education and advocacy, helping the project organize workshops, conferences, and meetings with and for the education community. “I am more than delighted to have Curtis on board,” said Osborne. “He brings years of advocacy for education reform to the table, along with the irreplaceable experience of sitting on a local school board. Equally important, he comes to the job with deep knowledge of education policy, in this country and abroad.”
 
A graduate of Morehouse College, Valentine holds a Masters of Public Policy from The Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. He has 15 years of education policy experience, having served as a language arts teacher, the founding Executive Director of the Maryland Campaign for Achievement Now (MarylandCAN), a fellow with the Council on Foreign Relations, and more recently as Executive Director for State Relations with Connections Education. Valentine is also an at-large member of the Prince George’s County (MD) Public School Board of Education and an adjunct professor in American Government and Politics at Prince George’s Community College.
 
“It’s such an exciting time to join the fight for public education, and there is no better place to be than PPI’s Reinventing America’s School Project,” said Valentine. “As a father to two public school students and the spouse of a public school principal, this fight is personal, and I’m looking forward to the change our work will bring about for children like mine.”
 
Reinventing America’s Schools is thrilled to have such a talented communicator, with such a wealth of policy knowledge, teaching experience, and advocacy work, joining our team.

Which colleges offer three-year bachelor’s and why aren’t they working?

Despite all the attention it has received in recent years, the cost of college continues to rise at both private and public institutions across the United States.

According to data from the College Board, average tuition and fees for a public four-year college is $20,770 if in-state or $35,420 for out-of-state, and $46,950 for private, non-profit institutions. This represents increases of 13, 12, and 15 percent respectively since 2014, when the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) first called for institutions of higher learning to make a three-year bachelor’s degree the norm and cut the cost of college by 25 percent.

American college students are facing a triple whammy – out-of-control college costs, record levels of student debt, and declining real earnings for college graduates. Yet politicians from both the left and the right have done nothing to fix the problem. Republicans actually proposed cutting student aid during the debate over tax reform. Meanwhile, some Democrats are pushing “free college,” which – while well intentioned – would do nothing to restrain the rising cost of college (in fact, just the opposite) or ensure Americans access to the best colleges and universities.

 

Why it Matters That Public Charters Dominated the 2018 US News Best High School Rankings

This morning, U.S. News and World Report released its 2018 list of the nation’s best high schools. For the past few years, public charters have been slowly taking over the top 10 spots on the list; this year, they dominated them.

For those of us who believe in the power of public school choice to bring dramatic change to America’s education system, the timing of the release couldn’t have been better. After all, it’s National Charter School Week, and what better way to highlight the success of public charters than by celebrating that seven of  America’s 10 best high schools are charter schools, including the top six spots.

Of course, rankings should always be taken with a grain of salt, and U.S. Newsmethodology for ranking schools differs from the method used by The Washington Post for its “most challenging high schools” list. Creating performance frameworks for schools is difficult, and there’s alway room for quibbling over rankings and ratings.

Regardless, we shouldn’t ignore that public charter schools were the only non-selective public high schools to make it into the top 10 spots on the U.S. News list

District-run “selective” schools are allowed to evaluate applications and select students based on academic criteria and other admission requirements. Public charters, on the other, must take all students who apply. If a charter school is oversubscribed, it holds a lottery to see who gets in, giving preference only to siblings of current students and, in some cases, students who are economically disadvantaged.

The only three traditional public schools to earn a spot on the U.S. News top 10 list have admission requirements. Of the top 20 spots on the list, nine of the 11 traditional public schools have them. The other two traditional public schools in the top 20 use lottery enrollment systems similar to those of public charters.

Personally, I don’t have an ideological objection to academically selective public schools; however, I think placing these high schools in the same category as the rest of America’s public schools doesn’t make for a fair comparison.

When high schools require students to complete any combination of testing, grade reporting, interviews, or teacher recommendations as part of the admissions process, they are attempting to select for a specific subset of students – the brightest and most motivated. To some extent, the most difficult work has already been done. These schools are only admitting the students deemed most likely to succeed based on their previous academic and behavioral records. America’s other public schools, including public charters, must teach all kids, regardless of their abilities or behavioral issues.

A mere five years ago, on the 2013 list, seven of the top 10 schools had selective admissions processes. (The other three were two charters and a traditional public school with a lottery admission). In a short time – because of the growth and success of public charters – we’ve seen those numbers reverse.

Charters competing with, and outranking, these selective schools shows that America now has public high schools capable of educating all students, not only those marked as highly qualified before they walk through the doors.

If states and districts continue to invest in growing 21stcentury school systems that utilize the charter formula of autonomy, accountability, and choice, we can have more of these schools. And maybe, one day, America can live up the promise of providing a rigorous and enriching public school for every child – not just for those who test into one.

Osborne and Langhorne for The 74, “NAEP Scores Show D.C. Is a Leader in Educational Improvement – With Powerful Lessons for Other Cities”

The latest edition of the Nation’s Report Card — the 2017 National Assessment of Educational Progress — got a lot of ink last week. While results nationally were a yawn, the scores from Washington, D.C., hold powerful lessons for other cities. Together, D.C. charter and district public schools have improved faster than those of any state over the past decade, by far, while district schools have improved faster than those of any other urban district that takes the exam.

NAEP is widely considered a more reliable measure than state tests because there are no stakes attached, so schools have no incentive to cheat or spend time preparing their students. But because the random sample of students who take the test changes every two years, short-term results tend to bounce around. Looking at a decade or more smooths things out and provides a more trustworthy gauge.

In D.C., that takes us back to the pivotal year of 2007, when the city council did away with the elected school board and gave power over D.C. Public Schools to the mayor, who appointed Michelle Rhee as chancellor. Since then, DCPS has embraced some of the most profound reforms of any traditional district.

Meanwhile, D.C.’s charter sector, which has grown to educate 47 percent of public school students in the city, has won plaudits as the “healthiest charter sector” in the country from the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools.

So D.C. provides a fascinating laboratory. We can compare a rapidly improving traditional district to a vibrant charter sector.

 

Continue reading at The 74.

Osborne and Langhorne for US News, “Texas Has Ambitious Plans to Transform Urban Schools”

In public education, the nation’s fastest-improving cities have embraced both charter schools and charter-like “innovation” or “renaissance” schools: public schools with real autonomy (some run by nonprofit organizations), real accountability for performance (including closure if their students are falling too far behind), and a variety of learning models from which families can choose. Those rapidly improving cities include New Orleans, Washington, Denver, and Chicago.

Imagine the progress possible if a state decided to push its urban districts to emulate such models. Texas is doing just that, using carrots – including $120 million in grants and assistance over two years – and sticks to convince urban districts to embrace the new approach.

“I think Texas has used district-level incentives and implementation support for districts who want to move more towards 21st century school systems in a far more thoughtful way than any other state,” says Chris Barbic, who ran Tennessee‘s Achievement School District for its first four years and now invests in state efforts to turn around struggling districts and schools through his position at the Houston-based Laura and John Arnold Foundation.

Continue reading at US News.

Langhorne and Amann for The Washington Monthly, “The Hidden Piece of Good News in Congress’s Budget Deal”

The bipartisan budget deal that Congress agreed to last month failed to solve the plight of the Dreamers and extends tax cuts that will add billions to the deficit. Still, quietly buried in the text of the law is much-needed good news for low-income mothers and their children: a provision reauthorizing federal support for home visiting programs that help prepare young children for school.

The new spending bill provides $400 million a year for five years to the Maternal, Infant, and Early Childhood Home Visiting Program (MIECHV), passed by Congress in 2010. The program provides at-risk pregnant women and new parents with services such as home medical care, parental training, and nutrition guidance. Giving low-income children a more stable start ends up significantly diminishing future public expense on healthcare and supplementary education. In short, home visiting programs help alleviate inequality while creating positive long-lasting results that reverberate throughout whole communities.

 

Continue reading at The Washington Monthly.

Langhorne for RealClearEducation, “To Help Troubled Students, Teachers Need Support Not ‘Guidance'”

Three students stabbed in one week. That’s how 2018 began for New Rochelle High School in Westchester, New York. These school stabbings came just months after the highly publicized, fatal stabbing of a student at Urban Assembly School for Wildlife Conservation in the Bronx.

As Americans try to understand the increase of violence in their public schools, the Obama administration’s 2014 school discipline reforms have received a lot of attention. The policy, written by the Department of Justice and the Department of Education, took the form of a discipline guidance letter. It warned school districts that if their disciplinary procedures showed a disparate impact on students based on race, then the federal government could investigate them for civil rights violations. It also encouraged districts to use alternative discipline programs and classroom management practices in place of traditional discipline policies.

Although the guidance never became a formal regulation, schools districts across America began to implementcontroversial reforms in an effort to reduce their rates of out-of-school suspensions.

The letter had good intentions. As a former high school teacher in the Fairfax Public Schools, I don’t favor out-of-school suspensions for low-level, first offenses; most of the teachers I know don’t either. Disparities between the out-of-school suspensions of white students and students of color are well-documented, and teachers are acutely aware of the pipeline that runs from out-of-school suspensions to prison.

However, teachers also don’t want their hands tied.

 

Continue reading at RealClearEducation.

Langhorne for The Hill, “Stop asking teachers if they’ll kill children”

Whenever we had lockdown drills, I’d get angry with my students. The lights were off, the door was locked, and students were seated silently under their desks. For about three minutes.

Then, the whispers began. Muted laughter followed; Phone screens flashed as students texted their friends, taking advantage of this “break” from learning.

After the drill, I tried to impress its importance upon them, but the routine would play out the same next time.

I couldn’t blame them. The majority of these students weren’t even born when Columbine happened. They were a generation who’d grown up with mass shootings and a 24-hour news cycle.

Continue reading at The Hill.

A Step Down for the Chancellor; A Step Forward for D.C.

This week, Antwan Wilson stepped down as Chancellor of District of Columbia Public Schools after the majority of the 13-member D.C. City Council demanded his resignation for skirting the rules of the infamously competitive D.C. school lottery. Wilson ensured his daughter received a preferential transfer into the district’s highest-performing, non-selective traditional public school.

To the City Council, I would like to say: “well done.”

Wilson’s daughter was attending Duke Ellington School of the Arts, a selective performance arts school with a three-part admissions process. Ellington is generally considered one of the district’s better high schools; however, in the middle of the academic year, Wilson decided the school was not a good fit for his daughter.

Rather than abide by the District of Columbia Public Schools (DCPS) rules for a mid-year transfer Wilson approached the Deputy Mayor for Education to secure a placement for his daughter in Wilson High School. Following the district’s procedure for a mid-year transfer would have meant sending his daughter to her in-boundary neighborhood school, Dunbar High School.

Just half a year ago, in his “Vision for D.C. Public Schools,” Wilson wrote: “Families, educators and community members expect us to offer students a world-class education that will prepare them to think for themselves, work with others and lead in today’s complex world. They expect us to do that for every student in every neighborhood — without exception. And they expect us to do it with the same caring we would show our own children.”

They’re beautiful words, but his action speaks louder. He  didn’t show the same caring for every D.C. child as he did for his own; after all, he placed his daughter in front of the more than 100 other children on Wilson High School’s waitlist.

It also shows that he doesn’t really expect each high school to offer students a world-class education.

If Wilson really wanted for communities to believe that obtaining a world-class education for their children was a possibility at any district school, in any neighborhood, would he have sought preferential placement for his daughter at DCPS’s most racially and socio-economically diverse traditional public school? Wouldn’t he have sent her to Dunbar High School, where 100 percent of students are economically disadvantaged?

There’s no doubt that Wilson was just acting out of love and trying to do what was best for his daughter, but over 100 other parents wanted the same for their children. They just didn’t have the means to get it.

Wilson previously promised that DCPS would “develop a clear vision for equity that addresses race, income, disability, English-language fluency and other traditional markers for disadvantage, and then act on that vision in ways that strengthen opportunity.”

The lottery system is a crucial part of that vision for equity. It offers an equal chance for all students to receive placement in one of the district’s top schools, regardless of socio-economic status. Wilson even previously worked to strengthen the lottery rules by attempting to close loopholes that made preferential placements possible.

By going around this system, he betrayed parents, the DCPS community, and his own mission to create equity for all families in DCPS.

Wilson’s vision statement for DCPS was beautifully written, but if the Chancellor doesn’t believe in abiding by the system he created to help make that vision a reality for all parents and children in DCPS, then he’s not the man for the job.

The community has spoken, and, at least for once, the City Council listened.

Langhorne for The 74, “As a Teacher, I Was Complicit in Grade Inflation. Our Low Expectations Hurt Students We Were Supposed to Help”

In November, NPR uncovered a graduation scandal at Ballou High Schoolin Washington, D.C., where half the graduates missed more than 90 days of school. Administrators pressured teachers to pass failing students, including those whom teachers had barely seen.

Policy wonks have had a field day with the report, adding graduation scandals to their lists of top 2018 education stories to watch and questioning the value of a high school diploma.

The one group of people who were not surprised by the scandal: teachers.

George W. Bush once claimed that as president, he would challenge the “soft bigotry of low expectations” in our nation’s classrooms by raising the K-12 education standards for of all America’s children. But in the past two decades, the soft bigotry of low expectations hasn’t been challenged; it’s been masked by grade and graduation inflation. And these low expectations are not isolated in our nation’s most impoverished schools.

Four years ago, when I began my teacher training, a tenured teacher gave me some advice: “Just give them a D; it’ll be so much extra work for you to fail anyone.” At the time, I thought it was strange wisdom, but soon I learned that it’s part of the “common sense” of survival in the world of teachers.

I worked in Fairfax County Public Schools, a more affluent, higher-performing district near Washington, where pressure to inflate grades and ensure students pass was ingrained. These district-encouraged, sometimes administrator-enforced grading policies still make me cringe.

 

Continue reading at The 74.

Shelby County Public Schools Superintendent Hobson is “willing to voluntarily relinquish control over some struggling schools to be operated by private charter groups,” or so we hope.

Fighting for the neediest and pushing back against special interests are often unexpected actions in the realm of political battles.

However, Dorsey Hopson, Superintendent of the Shelby County Schools (SCS) in Memphis, Tennessee, might exceed our expectations.

Last week, Hopson announced that he is “willing to voluntarily relinquish control over some struggling schools to be operated by private charter groups.”

For years, SCS has been working hard to turn around struggling schools through its Innovation Zone. The iZone, however, is a costly model, and few of its schools have successfully achieved key benchmarks.

In defense of his decision, Hopson said:  “We spend so much money, whether it’s philanthropic dollars, state dollars, our dollars, on trying to improve these Priority Schools over the last five or six years, and we’ve gotten some gains but certainly nowhere near the transformative results that we would like to have had …So I think we’ve got to take another shot at it and do it differently.”

Hopson is showing strength of character by acknowledging the success of the charter school model at a time when the anti-charter propaganda machine is in full swing. Because he recognizes the district’s need for “transformative results,” Hopson is willing to throw out the old, unsuccessful model of education that has failed urban students for decades in favor of embracing public charters, which have created profound changes in cities like New Orleans, Washington D.C., Denver, and Indianapolis.

Strong superintendents cannot, and should not, sit idly and continue to  support schools that are not helping children achieve, especially when public charters schools can help thousands of our nation’s most disadvantaged kids.

After all, the Tennessee Charter School Center reminds us that a charter sector benefit students because:

  • Public charter schools are held accountable.  Test scores and performance results are published and are part of the school district findings.
  • Public charter schools provide healthy learning environments for all students, including students with special needs, English Language Learners and the gifted.
  • Public charter schools are not allowed to turn away any child, for any reason.
  • Public charter school teachers want to be in their school; it was their interest that brought them to the school.

If none of these key points brings you to the table with Superintendent Hopson, then looking at the data from the 2017 Shelby County Schools Charter Schools Annual Report might. The existing charter schools have already paved the way for more innovation, progress, and success.

The report notes that student enrollment in Shelby County charter schools has increased annually by an average of 1,500 students per year. More parents are choosing the charter option than ever before.

The charter sector also has lower suspension rates for secondary schools, and public charters in Shelby County have a lower withdrawal rate than district-managed schools. More students receive more days of instruction.

Finally, charter schools participate in a program that offers transparency and encourages oversight.  The Operations Score Card (OSC)  assesses the charter schools’ performance regarding non-academic expectations, like school budgets, operation, legal compliance and other issues.  The OSC stated that Shelby County Charter schools “are consistently managing operations well and to respond appropriately in the interest of protecting SCS and its students when charters are at risk for non-compliance.”

In  Reinventing America’s Schools, David Osborne underscores the findings and points out, “As in most charter cities, Memphis’s charters outperform traditional public schools.”  

The data supports the promise of having public charters take over operation of SCS’s failing schools. It’s no wonder that Hopson supported the idea too.

Of course, not everyone was pleased at Hopson’s announcement. United Education Association of Shelby County President Tikeila Rucker was dismayed that Hopson would consider partnering with charter organizations: ““UEA along with parents, teachers and community leaders stands behind the district turning schools around, not giving schools away.”

Unfortunately, in the face of such commotion, Hopson has begun to placate those who want to keep the status quo.  In an email to principals, he clarified his remarks, writing: “All that said, I want to be very clear that my preference would always be to keep schools under the governance of (Shelby County Schools).”

Please, Superintendent Hopson, continue to stay strong and do what’s right. Put politics aside and put kids first.