Carolina Postcard: New NC and Old NC Collide – Again

New North Carolina collided with Old North Carolina in the 2020 election. It was a split decision. The battle goes on.

New NC – younger voters, Blacks, urban residents, suburban women and college graduates – reelected Governor Roy Cooper and (apparently) Attorney General Josh Stein.

New NC helped President-elect Joe Biden come within 1.3% of carrying the state. It was Democrats’ best performance in a presidential race here since Barack Obama in 2008 and Jimmy Carter in 1976.

Old NC – rural and small-town voters, white evangelicals, older people and high-school graduates – carried the state for President Trump, despite predictions North Carolina would be his Waterloo.

Old NC (and gerrymandering) kept Republicans in control of the General Assembly. And in control of redistricting for the coming decade. The GOP won key judicial seats.

The race for Chief Justice is a virtual tie. In the Council of State, both parties kept the seats they held before.

Democrats had dreamed of flipping North Carolina decidedly blue this year. It didn’t happen.

Now the 2020s promise to be a decade of political trench warfare.

That’s why Democrats, despite unseating President Trump and reelecting Governor Cooper, look so grim and glum.

Democrats thought demographic trends were with them. They saw metropolitan areas growing, and they saw their strength growing there. They thought Trump would drive their voters to the polls.

He did. But he also drove Old NC voters to the polls.

If you live in a city, it’s hard to grasp how many people live in the state’s small towns and rural areas. And it’s hard to grasp how hostile they have become to the Democratic Party’s brand.

Is it race? Resentment over Covid-19 restrictions? “Defund the police”? The Green New Deal? Medicare for All? Taxes? Do Democrats look like “socialists”?

Whatever, it’s a reminder that North Carolina has the third-biggest rural and small-town population of any state – 2.9 million, behind only Texas (4.3 million) and California (3 million).

We have a lot of white evangelicals. Nationally, they’re an estimated 15% of the population, but 25% of voters. Their numbers are higher here. They voted 80% for Trump and Republicans.

Along with the rural-urban divide, we have a clear racial divide between the parties.

There’s an age divide. National exit polls showed Democrats stronger among voters under 40 and Republicans stronger among older voters.

There’s a diploma divide. The exit polls said Biden won 57% of voters with college degrees; Trump won 77% of whites with no college degree.

Such divisions aren’t new in our politics. Since World War II, North Carolina’s rapid growth has created a constant tension between what the state once was and what it’s becoming.

That tension has defined our politics. And it goes back to our very beginnings.

Historian William S. Powell wrote in his 1989 book “North Carolina Through Four Centuries”:

“Many key events in the state’s history came about because of rivalries and jealousies, first between northern and southern parts of the colony, next between east and west and more recently between urban and rural.”

“Rivalries and jealousies…between urban and rural”? Sounds like 2020.

In colonial days, Powell wrote, counties in the Albemarle region gerrymandered the state Assembly to dominate the Neuse and Cape Fear counties.

A century later, western North Carolinians resented the iron control that eastern landowners held on state government. The East-West split persisted through most elections in the 20thCentury.

This year, as throughout our first 400 years, New NC and Old NC battled again for control.

Don’t expect the conflict to end any time soon.

Original piece published here

What American voters just told us: How the electorate just shattered populist myths on both sides

The 2020 elections have shattered two populist myths: Donald Trump’s invincibility and the left’s ascendancy in U.S. politics.

Trump has spent a lifetime burnishing his legend as an unbeatable wheeler and dealer. Never mind that his business career is littered by failed ventures and six trips to bankruptcy court. Through sheer force of will, Trump always wins in the end.

Or so he wants his supporters to believe as he sulks in the White House and insists, without a shred of proof, that he’s been cheated out of reelection. In a sign of how badly negative partisanship has warped our politics, 70% of Trump’s supporters say they believe the vote somehow must have been rigged against their hero.

To paraphrase the late Sen. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, everyone is entitled to their opinion, but not to their own version of reality. In the real world, Joe Biden won about 5.5 million more votes than Trump and a comfortable Electoral College majority of 306-232.

Nonetheless, Trump is trying to milk cash from MAGAland, ostensibly for recounts and lawsuits, even as he privately tells White House staffers he’ll run in 2024 if things don’t go his way. But will Trump’s bulletproof mystique survive once he becomes a certified loser and joins the ranks of presidents denied a second term?

Read the full piece here.

Biden’s defeat of Trump is the most important win since FDR

As the nation awoke the morning after Election Day, reactions seemed to suggest Democrats had lost nearly every office in the land. Numerous news stories recorded “huge Democratic disappointment.” How, many Democrats asked, could we be losing House seats and fail to take back the Senate? And with Biden running behind in early returns, many began to worry that far-left critics were correct: Biden had lost because he had “run the most plodding and forgettable presidential campaign in recent memory.”

What a difference a few days — and a few million mail-in ballots — make.

It is now clear that Biden has won the White House. Biden’s remarkable campaign will be increasingly regarded in coming days, and by posterity, as something of a miracle, among the best and most important in American history.

For starters, Biden is the first challenger to beat an incumbent president in a true two-person race in nearly a century — since Franklin Roosevelt beat Herbert Hoover in 1932. (Reagan 1980 and Clinton 1992 included third-party candidates).

Biden also received the most popular votes of any candidate in history, nearly 75 million (at this writing), and at least 4.2 million more than Donald Trump. Biden carried Georgia, which had not voted Democratic since 1992. He won Arizona, which has voted Republican in all but one race since 1952. And Biden carried the “blue wall” states of Wisconsin, Michigan and Pennsylvania that Trump carried in 2016. All told, Biden is set to win 306 Electoral College votes to Trump’s 232.

Not only that, but Biden was running against by far the most ruthless, win-at-all-costs, nihilistic president in American history.

Supported by thousands of disturbingly supine Republican officeholders, one of the country’s two great major parties was turned into an army of cowering enablers. Add to that Fox News, social media propaganda and other news organizations that amplified the president’s misleading statements, and Trump was able to assemble a powerful political culture free of facts. In short, Trump was willing to risk tearing the nation apart to win.

Yet Biden still beat him. It is how Biden won that matters most.

Read the rest here.

Can Biden quell our tribal warfare?

After the craziest presidential election since, well, 2016, we can finally say what’s most important: Joe Biden did his job. He has put our democracy back on track.   

The former vice president turned in a steady, cool-handed performance that defied Twitter-wisdom about Democrats’ supposed leftward lurch. Instead, Biden built a broad center-left coalition that has won back the three Midwest states that put Donald Trump over the top in 2016, while also probably turning Arizona and Georgia blue.

Read the full piece here.

Will You Shut Up, Man?

No one expected Donald Trump to be a gracious loser. But his hysterical and groundless claims that Democrats are stealing the 2020 election dishonor his office and sully the image of American democracy around the world. 

Sadly, they are par for the course. Whining, lying and suing is what Trump reflexively does whenever he’s cornered. The true national disgrace here is the Republican Party’s craven acquiescence in Trump’s false accusations and conspiratorial ranting. 

On Fox News last night, Sean Hannity lived up to his reputation as “Fox’s dumbest anchor” by witlessly parroting Trump’s claims. He also trotted out Trump henchpersons Corey Lewandowski and Pam Bondi to provide personal testimony of voter fraud that was at once incomprehensible and ludicrously thin.   

Then Senators Lindsay Graham and Ted Cruz and Newt Gingrich, another world-class dissembler, chimed in. Cruz lashed out at “Democratic cities” alleged inability to count votes fairly. No one cautioned that the President of the United States has a solemn responsibility to offer proof for his grave allegations. It was a nauseating spectacle of intellectual dishonesty and misplaced outrage at Democrats for doing what Trump is actually doing – defrauding the voters.   

Once again, the honorable exception was Sen. Mitt Romney. Trump, he said, “is wrong to say the election was rigged, corrupt and stolen.” Such a claim coming from the president of the United States “damages the cause of freedom here and around the world…and recklessly inflames destructive and dangerous passion.

Will any other prominent Republicans step up and speak the truth as Trump trashes the integrity of U.S. elections? Don’t count on it. 

Tribalism vs. the American Idea

If Joe Biden defeats Donald Trump this week, it will begin to repair our country’s badly tarnished image around the world. An even tougher challenge will be reviving Americans’ confidence in their long-running democratic experiment. 

Most countries are bound together by ethnicity, language and religion. What makes America exceptional is that it was founded on a set of propositions favoring individual liberty and equality, and the right of self-government. The 2020 election is a test of whether these liberal ideas still hold sway, or whether Trump’s virulent brand of white identity politics and illiberal nationalism will prevail. 

A Biden victory naturally will reassure his supporters, who have watched aghast as Trump pollutes public discourse with lies, stokes social conflict and uses the U.S. government to further his political and business interests. But as president, Biden also would need to grapple with the radical alienation that has led white working class voters to entrust the nation’s highest office to a showman with zero political experience.  

Central to Biden’s appeal is his promise to unite Americans across a continental red-blue divide. That’s a tall order. The populist right is addicted to its hatreds, and its enemies list is long: the media, liberals, Democrats, globalists, immigrants, black activists, and the “deep state.” The “woke” left likewise seems primed for political retribution, not reconciliation. 

Nonetheless, if he wins Biden should take his cue from Abraham Lincoln’s message of magnaminity to the vanquished South. By virtue of his humble origins, pragmatism and empathy, Biden would be uniquely qualified to reach out to working class voters with a message of respect and hope. 

Their choice of Trump has been likened to raising a middle finger to a despised governing class. OK, message received. 

But what a stiff price we’ve all paid for that angry gesture! After four excruciating years of Trump-generated chaos and conflict, America is diminished in every way. No country has bungled the coronavirus pandemic as badly as ours. Major parts of our economy remain frozen and our society is seething with civil strife. Our standing in the world has sunk low, to the dismay of traditional friends and delight of foreign despots.  

The doleful lesson of Trump’s mad flitting and strutting on the Washington stage is that it can happen here. Our democracy’s antibodies against demagogues, con artists and conspiracy mongers evidently are weaker than we supposed. 

Having worked in national politics and public policy most of my adult life, I’ve taken the structural integrity of our political system for granted. However convulsive our struggles for civic equality and political power might become, they always seemed bounded by a broad and sturdy consensus around our founding political beliefs. 

Trump’s election, however, suggests that consensus may be coming unglued. He’s not moved by abstractions about individual liberty and equality, checks and balances, respect for minority rights, civil and reasoned debate, or a free press. In politics as in business, Trump follows the Lombardi Rule – winning is all that matters.

Although he is chief magistrate of the world’s foremost democracy, Trump evinces no sympathy for pro-democracy activists in repressive states like Belarus and Russia or brutal human rights abuses in friendly countries like Egypt or Saudi Arabia. He has assured Xi Jinping he won’t squawk about China’s horrific ethnic cleansing campaign against the Uighurs. The world’s dictators applaud, because Trump’s conduct vindicates what they’ve told their people: America’s professed devotion to liberal democracy has never been anything more than for a fig leaf for naked self-interest.

As odious as he is, however, it’s a mistake to focus too much on Trump. He’s a human shillelagh wielded by white conservatives in a tribal revolt against what America is becoming – a multi-hued, ethnically diverse, gender-equal, secular and socially liberal society. 

This revolt is fed by two streams. One is conservative Christians, who have been steadily losing their culture war against abortion, gay rights and marriage and the secularization of public life. The other is the white working class, which is shrinking as a share of the population and the electorate. These voters feel culturally eclipsed by minorities and immigrants, and economically dispossessed by deindustrialization, the shift to knowledge work and a new class divide between those with and without college degrees. 

It’s not hard to understand Trump’s appeal to these voters. They adore him because of his defiantly transgressive behavior, not in spite of it. He’s not a “typical politician,” he doesn’t listen to experts and elites, he’s not afraid to say anything or offend anyone, and he loves to troll the “liberal media.” 

Trump’s impersonation of a U.S. president may be entertaining, in the same tawdry way that pro wrestling and midway freak shows are entertaining. But it also subverts what has really made America great – setting up and sustaining the world’s longest experiment in democratic self-rule. Government isn’t a reality show or spectator sport, it’s how Americans tackle common problems and promote the general welfare. Democracy only works if citizens take care to choose their representatives wisely, no matter how pissed off they may be. 

Anyone with eyes to see knows that Trump has amply demonstrated his lack of leadership skills and governing competence over the past four years. That around 46 percent of my fellow citizens are prepared to make the same mistake twice is profoundly unsettling. It’s like tossing the car keys to your drunken teenage son on Saturday night. 

A thumping Biden victory would force Republicans to confront the reality that they are headed for permanent minority status if they don’t disenthrall their party from Trump, white cultural resentment and illiberal populism. Losing the White House and maybe the Senate too could be just the shock the party needs to cast a wider net and frame new appeals to suburban women, blacks and Hispanics and young voters. 

That would make for a healthier partisan competition organized around two heterogeneous political parties that cut across the divides of age, race, gender, and education, instead of just one. It would also weaken the sectarian forces that demand ideological purity, making both parties less susceptible to extremism. 

Biden could reinforce this counter-polarizing dynamic in his own party by avoiding the temptations of political payback and emphasizing at the outset his ambitious offer of “a new deal” for all working class Americans regardless of race, creed or color. It includes a massive domestic rebuilding project centered on public works and clean energy manufacturing. A national commitment to making America, not China, the world’s leading producer of electric cars and trucks could bring high-wage manufacturing jobs back to America’s industrial heartland.

Biden has promised to govern for “everyone who voted for me, as well as against me.” It will take every bit of his fabled empathy, but that’s the way to help all Americans recover their faith in democratic self-government.  

Trump’s Last Stand?

Last night’s showdown in Nashville between President Trump and Democratic challenger Joe Biden won’t go down in history as one of the great U.S. presidential debates. It was an anti-climactic affair that didn’t tell us anything new about the candidates or what’s at stake for our country in next month’s election. 

I’ll leave it to the drama critics of the political media to figure out who “won” the debate. But if it didn’t do anything to change the trajectory of the race, Team Biden certainly will be happy with the outcome.  

Trump showed a little self-discipline, especially compared to his feral performance in the first debate. But rather than use his time to tout his achievements and plans for a second term, Trump did what Trump always does — lied incessantly and hurled slurs and preposterous accusations at his opponent. 

Trump really doesn’t know how to debate. He doesn’t know the issues, doesn’t know how to build an evidence-based case for his actions, and is incapable of sustaining a coherent line of argument on any topic. He thinks the way to win is by intimidation rather than persuasion. So he bluffs and blusters and makes up “facts” as he goes along. 

Biden isn’t an especially agile debater, but he stood his ground and exhibited the traits of decency, empathy and honesty many voters find wholly lacking in Trump. Biden also did a good job of contrasting his “bring-us-together” approach to presidential leadership to Trump’s divide-and-conquer nihilism. 

It was clear last night that Trump had no good answer as to why he’s bungled the COVID-19 crisis from the beginning, or separated more than 500 young immigrant children from their parents, or keeps trying to kill Obamacare and deprive Americans of health insurance in the midst of a public health emergency. 

Trump’s campaign is sinking under the combined weight of this record of cruel and incompetent governance and mounting public revulsion toward his sociopathic character. The con is wearing thin, and voters Trump won in 2016 are abandoning him. It’s hard to see that changing after last night. 

 

Protections for pregnant workers is a small change with big rewards

The House of Representatives recently passed the Pregnant Workers Fairness Act (PWFA) which would require that most employers provide reasonable accommodations for pregnant employees – similar to what is required by the Americans with Disabilities Act. 

This bill is a sliver of good news for women who have disproportionately born the brunt of this pandemic. Not only do women work in industries more likely to be affected by Covid-19 (health care, direct care, and a slew of service industries) they are also bearing the brunt of the economic implications of the pandemic.  

Just last week, the new jobs report, released by the Labor Department showed that without schools and child care, women are dropping out of the workforce in record numbers. Of the 1.1 million adults who reported leaving the workforce (not working or looking for work) between August and September, more than 800,000 were women. For comparison, 216,000 men left the job market over same time period.

Without safely opening schools and child care centers, or closing the gender wage gap, it’s hard to see what other options women have. 

But the good news is, that if this law passes the Senate, pregnant women may get better accommodation which could protect them and their babies. 

Current federal law protects pregnant employees from discrimination but there is no law that requires pregnant workers receive reasonable accommodation to continue working without jeopardizing their pregnancy. Reasonable accommodation could be reassigning tasks or maybe more flexible work schedules, allowing more work from home hours when appropriate. We’ve learned from Covid-19, that working from home does not necessarily mean less productivity.

While it’s premature to fully understand the effects of Covid-19 on pregnancy, a few trends have emerged: 

  • Covid-19 infection is associated with premature birth: While the data is premature and limited, some studies are linking preterm with Covid-19. If this trend continues, it will be even more important to provide working pregnant women with accommodations to reduce their likelihood of contracting the virus. 
  • Sheltering in place, reduced premature birth: There is some good news for pregnant women: Across countries with strict lockdowns or shelter-in-place orders from the pandemic, premature births fell. In Denmark, premature births fell by 90 percent and in Ireland, babies with very low birth weight fell by 73 percent. Doctors are still trying to understand why – less pollution, travel, infection or hustle and bustle could all help explain the decline.

These two points illustrate that reasonable accommodation to either avoid infections or reduce unnecessary stress could have a dramatic impact on working women and their babies. If it signed into law, the PWFA would:

  • Require public employers and private employers with 15+ employees make reasonable accommodations for pregnant workers and job applicants as long as it does not create undue hardship on the employer
  • Allow pregnant employees to request accommodation without retaliation 

The bill has the support of the business community, civil rights groups, and labor advocacy organizations.

At a time when women are disproportionately impacted from this virus, this bill is a small victory to families across the country and the Senate should pass it expediently. 

This blog was also published on Medium.com. 

The Third Way: A Guide to Implementing Innovation Schools

Across the country, urban school districts are moving beyond industrial-era systems by creating “innovation” or “partnership” schools that have the freedom to reinvent the way they educate students. The Progressive Policy Institute released a how-to guide for legislators, district leaders, and advocates who want to create more of these 21st  century schools: The Third Way: A Guide to Implementing Innovation Schools.  

From Texas to New Jersey, from Colorado to Indiana, about 20 urban public school districts—and a few rural ones—are giving schools real autonomy, so school leaders make the key decisions, such as hiring and firing and controlling the budget. They are promising to hold these schools accountable for their performance and replace them if they fail their students, encouraging them to diversify their learning models, and letting families choose the schools that best fit their children. 

The results so far have been impressive. In Indianapolis, “innovation network schools” are the fastest improving group of schools in the district. In Camden, N.J., reading proficiency in the district’s 11 “Renaissance schools” doubled and math proficiency quadrupled in their first four years. 

The guide draws lessons from the experience of these and other districts, discusses key “success factors,” lays out implementation steps, and includes model state legislation to allow and encourage districts to create such schools.

PPI Statement on Digital Markets Report from House Subcommittee on Antitrust

Washington, DC – The House Subcommittee on Antitrust released its long-awaited report today on competition in digital markets. The recommendations include a call to break up tech companies so they can no longer own platforms and offer products and services on them at the same time, something that almost all other retail leaders do and do well.  

“The radical proposals set forth in the report would hinder America’s most innovative and globally competitive companies, simply because they are big, and ultimately would harm consumers,” noted Alec Stapp, Director of Technology at the Progressive Policy Institute. “The real problem with antitrust enforcement is that our agencies are underfunded and haven’t addressed the real competition issues in the healthcare and other consumer-facing industries”

“The report just skips over the statistical evidence that these companies lead the sector which has performed better than the rest of the economy in terms of prices, productivity, wages, investment and job growth,” said Dr. Michael Mandel, Chief Economic Strategist at the Progressive Policy Institute. “If you have a car that’s running smoothly, why disassemble it for parts?”

Experts Alec Stapp, Director of Technology Policy and Dr. Michael Mandel, Chief Economic Strategist at the Progressive Policy Institute are available for commentary. For more information or to speak with Alec or Michael, please contact Ryan@RokkSolutions.com. 

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Trump and Republicans are putting a Supreme Court seat ahead of America’s recovery

The faltering economy continues to weaken, with real unemployment over 11%, with as many as 26 million Americans still jobless. A jobs report late last week found that the economy has at least 11 million fewer jobs now than at the end of last year, a far bigger jobs loss than even the Great Recession of 2008-2009.

Meanwhile, a second wave of coronavirus is killing nearly a thousand Americans each week. COVID cases have risen in 33 states in the last month and more than a dozen states have reported increased hospitalizations in every region of the country as part of a “ominous national trend.” Already, 7.5 million Americans have contracted COVID, and more than 210,000 have been killed.

Normally reserved Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell has become uncharacteristically blunt, telling Congress recently that economic recovery “will depend on keeping the virus under control, and on policy actions taken at all levels of government.” Powell has specifically urged passage of a long-delayed congressional economic stimulus and COVID relief package.

But in more than three months since House Democrats passed comprehensive economic and COVID recovery legislation, Trump and Senate Republican Leader Mitch McConnell have failed to enact a robust economic relief and stimulus package.

Read the full piece here.

Battleground voters are pragmatic on energy

Unfazed by President Trump’s non-stop belligerence in last Tuesday’s debate, Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden embarked the next morning on a whistle stop tour of Ohio and Pennsylvania — two pivotal states Trump won in 2016 that now seem to be slipping from his grasp.

In addition to their huge importance as presidential battleground states, Pennsylvania and Ohio rank among the top five U.S. states in natural gas production. No wonder Trump keeps trying to convince voters there that the former vice president is a Green New Deal zealot eager to ban drilling for natural gas.

Only it’s not true, and it’s not working. According to a new ALG Research Poll commissioned by the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI), Biden is leading Trump in Pennsylvania (50-44) and Ohio (48-46). What’s more, Biden is running significantly ahead of Hillary Clinton’s 2016 performance in the “shale belt” — the gas-producing counties of Southeastern Ohio and Western Pennsylvania that Trump won handily last time.

Read the full piece here.

Let’s Have No More of These

Donald Trump is a serial vandalizer of America’s democratic ideals and institutions. Last night, his victim was the presidential debate.

Down in the polls and obviously frustrated by events he cannot control – especially the Covid-19 pandemic – Trump was like a disturbed child acting out in school to get attention. He simply could not control himself.  He could not restrain himself even for the two minutes Joe Biden was allotted to answer questions. 

Instead he interrupted constantly, talking over his opponent with a steady fusillade of taunts, insults and bald-faced lies. Biden correctly called him “unpresidential,” but that doesn’t begin to describe Trump’s sickening behavior last night. Bullying, malicious, ranting incoherently, he sabotaged every attempt at rational argument. 

It will be interesting to see how Trump’s legion of apologists and lickspittles try to explain away his deranged performance in Cleveland. If here are any self-respecting conservatives and Republicans left who truly venerate America’s democratic traditions, they must be feeling very queasy this morning.

If Trump lacks the self-discipline to abide by the rules of presidential debates – rules his campaign officials agreed to – there’s no point in inflicting two more of them on the American people. Neither Biden nor the media has any obligation to collude in Trump’s attempts to turn presidential debates into a tawdry theater of demagoguery and abuse. 

U.S. voters already know enough about Donald Trump and Joe Biden to make an informed choice in November. The vote can’t come soon enough.

Battleground Voters Pragmatic on Climate & Energy

Following last night’s debate, Joe Biden will campaign in Pennsylvania and Ohio, where a new poll released today by the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) shows him leading President Trump. In addition to their huge importance as presidential battleground states, Pennsylvania and Ohio are energy powerhouses that rank among the top five U.S. states in natural gas production. 

The poll, commissioned by PPI and conducted by ALG Research, finds Biden ahead by six points in Pennsylvania (50%-44%) and two points in Ohio (48%-46%), despite Trump’s attempts to brand Biden falsely as an opponent of “fracking” and natural gas. Biden also is running ahead of Hillary Clinton’s 2016 performance in the “shale belt” — the gas-producing counties of Southeastern Ohio and Western Pennsylvania. 

“Unlike the ‘drill, baby drill’ right and the ‘keep it in the ground” left, voters in midwest states like Pennsylvania and Ohio show a deeply pragmatic streak on energy and climate issues,” said PPI President Will Marshall. “They are not climate deniers like Donald Trump, and they view natural gas as a bridge, not a barrier, to America’s clean energy transition.”

Key poll findings:

  • 71% of Pennsylvania and Ohio voters — and 66% in gas-producing counties — say climate change is a “real and very serious problem.”
  • Voters oppose a ban on natural gas by an enormous margin — 53 points (74-21%).
  • Even among liberal leaning groups, there is little appetite for a ban: Democrats, young voters and advanced degree holders oppose a ban by 30, 29 and 55 points respectively.
  • Voters’ biggest worry about banning gas production is job loss, following by higher energy prices. 
  • Voters do not want to use fossil fuels indefinitely, but they see natural gas as playing an important role in supporting U.S. renewable energy growth over the medium term.
  • Voters expect it will take a decade or more to end use of natural gas without disruptions to the economy, electric reliability, and energy bills.

Despite Biden’s lead in this poll, voters split over who they trust more on energy issues. 

“Voters know where Trump stands on energy, but they aren’t as certain about Biden,” said Marshall.  But when it’s described to them, 52% of voters say they support a Biden plan that does not ban fracking, continues to use natural gas and requires the United States to achieve zero carbon emissions by 2050.

View the full polling memo here.

Media contact: Carter Christensen, cchristensen@ppionline.org

 

Appendix B: State Breakdowns on Key Findings:

o Pennsylvania: Voters oppose a natural gas extraction ban by 72-23%.o Ohio: Voters oppose a natural gas extraction ban by 76-19%.

o Pennsylvania: Democrats oppose a ban on natural gas extraction by 59%-32%.o Ohio: Democrats oppose a fracking ban by 65-30%.

o Pennsylvania: The biggest worry associated with banning natural gas is job loss (40%), followed by increased energy prices (20%) and energy shortages (15%).

o Ohio: The biggest worry associated with banning natural gas is job loss (26%), followed by increased energy prices (18%) and energy shortages (15%).

o Pennsylvania: 57% of voters see natural gas as playing an important role in supporting U.S. renewable energy growth over the medium-term.

o Ohio: 53% of voters adhere to this view.

o Pennsylvania: 43% of voters say we should be using more natural gas; 34% say we should be using the same amount of natural gas versus; and, 18% say we should use less natural gas.

o Ohio: 41% of voters say we should be using more natural gas; 37% say we should be using the same amount of natural gas; and, 18% say we should use less natural gas.

 

The GOP’s Pivot Away From Fiscal Relief Hurts Millions of Americans

At every turn, the Trump administration and Republicans in Congress have bungled the coronavirus pandemic and shortchanged our recovery. For the first month after most programs created by the CARES Act – the last major stimulus bill passed by Congress back in March – expired, the GOP wasted valuable time on half-measures that could not pass and executive orders that do not help. Washington Republicans have now completely abandoned work on further relief measures so they can focus on a partisan gambit to pack the Supreme Court with yet another right-wing justice before voters have a chance to make their voices heard in just five weeks.

It didn’t have to be this way. Back in May, House Democrats passed the $3 trillion HEROES Act that they intended to be a follow-up to the CARES Act. Although the bill had many flaws, it offered a starting point for negotiations. Their Republican counterparts in the Senate, on the other hand, spent two months doing literally nothing to advance any additional relief legislation. It was only a full month after the major provisions in the CARES Act had expired that the Republican-controlled Senate voted on a partisan $500 billion “skinny” stimulus bill, which then failed to pass the chamber. Negotiations have now stalled due to GOP’s insistence on penny-pinching for a critical stimulus bill that, it should be noted, would almost certainly be less expensive than the wasteful $2 trillion tax cut the party enacted at the height of our most recent economic expansion.

In an attempt to cover for his party’s fecklessness, President Trump issued a series of executive orders ostensibly designed to fill the needs for further relief unmet by Congress. But as is too often the case with Trump, these actions were almost entirely superficial – and in some cases, actively harmful to the people supposedly helped. Rather than playing these pointless partisan games, Republicans need to join Democrats at the negotiating table and deliver a real solution for the millions of Americans struggling to survive amidst a global pandemic and the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression.

Anyone at Risk of Contracting Coronavirus

The first priority for policymakers must be controlling the pandemic, as our economy cannot fully recover until people feel safe going in public to work or spend money. Adequate testing and tracing are essential to preventing the virus from spreading until a vaccine is found, but delays in test results have already undermined our COVID response. Democrats proposed $75 billion for coronavirus testing and contact tracing as part of their stimulus proposal in the HEROES Act, while Republicans proposed a much-smaller $25 billion investment, including just $16 billion of new funding not reallocated from CARES Act programs. But without a deal, neither side gets any investment – and the virus continues to spread through our communities.

People Who Have Lost Their Jobs

Up to 26 million Americans remain unemployed thanks to the pandemic. In normal times, unemployment benefits typically only cover 34-54 percent of lost wages for a limited period of time. These benefits, however, are woefully insufficient during a prolonged period when few job openings are available to be filled. The CARES Act sought to address this problem by increasing UI benefits by $600/week through the end of July and extending the maximum number of weeks someone could claim unemployment benefits until December.

Democrats proposed to continue the full $600/week until January (or tie the extension of benefits to real economic indicators), while Republicans wanted to replace it with a $300/week supplement through the election). There was a very reasonable middle-ground here, as both sides agreed that supplemental unemployment benefits should not be allowed to expire in their entirety – but because no agreement was reached, that is exactly what happened.

Trump claimed to resolve the problem with an executive order letting states use Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) money to establish a supplement for unemployment insurance. But this approach was riddled with problems: it depended on state unemployment offices, which are already burdened with crushing caseloads and obsolete information technology, to set up new administrative structures, delaying the receipt of benefits. The new supplement was worth only half as much as the one authorized by the CARES Act, and was not made available to low-income workers who receive less than $100/week in normal unemployment benefits. Finally, the FEMA fund only had enough money to fund benefits for six weeks – and required drawing upon funds that will likely be needed to fight wildfires out west and repair damage from hurricanes in the south.

Landlords and Lenders

Failure to adequately support unemployed Americans will have cascading effects throughout the economy. Because the unemployed then cannot spend as much money as usual, the businesses that rely on their patronage also lose income, which hurts workers throughout the broader economy and deepens the recession. They are also more likely to fall behind on payments for rents, utilities, or mortgages. The CARES Act included a temporary moratorium on evictions, but now that it is expired, millions of American families are at risk of losing their homes by the end of the year. Democrats  have proposed imposing an even broader moratorium than was included in the CARES Act. The Trump administration, meanwhile, ordered the Centers for Disease Control to enact a limited moratorium on evictions until the end of the year for low- and middle-class renters.

Although a moratorium may give at-risk renters some temporary relief, it fails to resolve the underlying issue: lost income. Trump’s moratorium simply delays the inevitable for any renter who is behind on rent and would otherwise face eviction. Meanwhile, smaller landlords will lose out on income they need to pay for mortgages and property taxes, which puts them at risk of default. Lenders may also face significant losses from landlords and homeowners unable to make their required payments. If Congress were to instead provide adequate income support for people who have lost their incomes in the pandemic, they would ensure people can afford to remain in their homes without creating these new burdens.

Small Businesses and Their Workers

The CARES Act included a Payroll Protection Program (PPP), which gave small- and medium sized-businesses money to retain their workforce. That funding dried up when the program ended on August 8th. Here, Congressional Republicans actually want to be more generous, proposing almost $360 billion in small business support, loans, and employee retention provisions, while Democrats proposed $290 billion. But without a deal, small businesses – many of which are operating in industries, such as dining and hospitality, that have been particularly hurt by the pandemic – have not gotten any more support.

The only support for small businesses in President Trump’s executive orders was a counterproductive payroll tax holiday. Neither party in Congress supported Trump’s previous proposals to temporarily cut the payroll tax, so instead he used his limited authority to defer collection of some payroll taxes until next year. But since workers will still owe that money in 2021, many employers are just withholding the tax anyway. Meanwhile, federal workers – including those in the military – who cannot opt out of deferral are being advised not to spend the money so they aren’t financially flattened by the massive tax bill for back taxes they will receive next year.

State and Local Governments

The coronavirus pandemic has blown a massive hole in the budgets of state and local governments: income and sales taxes are drying up while spending on safety-net programs, such unemployment insurance and Medicaid, have increased dramatically. Because most state and local governments are required to balance their budget, this fiscal squeeze will compel them to cut their budgets right when people and businesses need government support the most.

Although Congress included some aid for state and local governments as part of the CARES Act, it only allowed this money to be spent on new coronavirus-related expenses, not to replace lost revenues. Republicans have proposed to loosen rules on how states could spend this aid, but offered no additional funding. Democrats, meanwhile, included almost $1 trillion in new funding for state and local governments in the HEROES Act.

Many on the right have argued that providing further aid would be a “bailout” for the finances of poorly-managed states, but this criticism is at best deeply misguided. PPI projects that state and local governments will need at least $250 billion in additional support beyond what was already appropriated before the end of 2021 just absorb the pandemic’s financial impacts without making deep cuts to essential services – and this figure could be even higher if the economic impact of this unpredictable crisis is worse than current projections. Rather than argue over an arbitrary dollar amount, Congress can easily address the concerns of both Democrats and Republicans by designing programs that provide aid to state and local governments based on the real pandemic-induced shortfalls realized on their balance sheets.

Parents and Families

The pandemic has taken a particularly brutal toll on parents who are unable to send their children back to school this fall. It is difficult for workers to do their jobs, either remotely or in-person, when they are unable to access child care that they usually could depend on at this time of year. It also poses a special burden on students from low-income families who lack the internet access necessary to participate in online classes.

The good news here is that both parties have proposed about $100 billion in additional support for schools. But they disagree on what it should be used for: the Trump administration would use this money to pressure school districts across the country to return to in-person classes, the even though doing so would be unsafe without the proper public health safeguards in place. The Democrats’ proposal, on the other hand, would also enable schools to stand up high-quality remote learning to keep their students learning while school buildings remain closed.

Unfortunately, these nuances don’t even matter at the moment: because Congress failed to reach a broader agreement, schools have received no additional federal support. Even worse, the looming shortfalls facing state and local budgets are likely to result in deep cuts to education spending (as they did following the 2008 financial crisis), further jeopardizing the long-term opportunities for children and families.

Voters

State and local governments face an unprecedented challenge administering a national election in the midst of a pandemic, made even worse by foreign governments threatening to interfere again like they did in 2016. The HEROES Act included $3.6 billion to support election integrity and vote-by-mail operations to make sure every vote is counted, while the Senate bill included nothing. As we enter the final stretch of what is perhaps the most contentious presidential election in modern history against the backdrop of several overlapping national crises, the failure of federal policymakers to support election infrastructure jeopardizes the bedrock of our democracy.

Conclusion

Although neither party’s proposals have been perfect, only one is making any serious effort to find common ground and support our economy in a time of unprecedented crisis. While House Democrats prepare to vote this week on a new package of proposals that is more moderate than the HEROES Act they passed four months ago, President Trump and Senate Republicans are leaving millions of Americans in the lurch by prioritizing partisan court packing over any further fiscal relief. Democratic candidates for office and all stakeholders, from the worker who is at risk of losing her home along with her unemployment benefits to the parent who cannot save his small business and give his child a decent education at the same time, should pressure Republicans to return to the negotiating table and work in the public interest – or face severe consequences in November.

America’s Remote Learning Imperative

The coronavirus pandemic is an historic test of the resilience of one of America’s most precious public assets: our public schools. So far, it’s a test we are failing. Tens of millions of children have fallen far behind in their studies. These learning losses will cascade as health fears keep most schools closed this fall – unless schools do a much better job of delivering effective online instruction to all students stranded at home.

As the pandemic continues to spread, it’s hard to imagine a more urgent national imperative than making sure all school districts are equipped to meet this challenge. At stake are the future prospects of 50.8 million public school students—especially those from low-income families, which have been the most severely affected by school closings.  

There is no single cause of this failure and no single cure. Access to computers and high-speed internet is obviously essential and should be a priority. However, the core problem is that most schools are still unprepared to deliver quality remote instruction.  Most of our large, bureaucratic, overly centralized school systems move too slowly, train their teachers inadequately, and fail to engage too many of their students, as well as their parents. 

The U.S. needs a crash program—on a scale equivalent to the 1960s moonshot, but faster—aimed at helping our schools operate virtually, both as a substitute for and an important complement to live instruction. We need a multi-pronged push by elected leaders, school officials, parents and businesses to ensure that every child who needs it has equal access to high-quality remote learning—in 2020 and beyond. We should turn the immediate crisis into an opportunity both to minimize learning loss during the pandemic and to build a strong platform for better teaching and learning for the long term.

Our strategy must be holistic.  If the focus is solely on laptops and internet connections, the effort will fail. It must include:

  • intensive professional development for teachers in online, synchronous teaching and use of available online curricula and resources; 
  • help for teachers and schools in engaging parents — who are, after all, every child’s first teacher; 
  • help for parents whose jobs and other responsibilities make it difficult or impossible to also serve as teachers’ aides at home;
  • development of new assessment tools to measure the effectiveness of different forms of remote education; 
  • support for students’ social-emotional learning and mental health; 
  • reform of school districts to give schools the flexibility they need to innovate rapidly; and 
  • redoubled efforts to improve literacy and digital literacy in students, particularly in low-income communities.

With our decentralized model of public education, this burden will fall on the shoulders of state and local leaders. Since they are financially strapped by the economic shutdown, however, the federal government must provide emergency funding. As Hoff Varner, a PTA President in Alameda, California, told The New York Times, “If we were a country interested in saving schools the same way we’ve saved airlines and banks, then this is a problem we could solve.” 

Instead of problem-solving, President Trump and his party have subjected the country to a needlessly partisan argument over whether or not to physically reopen schools.  

Like wearing masks and reopening the economy, reopening the schools should not be a political question. It must depend on whether parents, public health officials, and K-12 leaders believe it is safe for children and teachers in any particular locale to return to the classroom. A mid-July Axios-Ipsos poll showed that 7 in 10 American parents believed in-person classroom instruction was still too risky. 

Yet Congressional Republicans are treating the question like another partisan political football. While the GOP Senate bill offered $70 billion for K-12 public schools, Republicans proposed withholding two-thirds of funds from any school district until it submits a plan to the governor providing a detailed timeline for in-person instruction.

This made no sense. Apart from the historical irony of Republicans trying to dictate local school policy from Washington, it could jeopardize the health of millions of students, their parents, and educators. Republican lawmakers must drop their foolish threat to withhold money from schools that don’t physically reopen, and join with Democrats to approve the $70 billion as soon as possible, while also supporting effective public health strategies that will ultimately allow schools to reopen safely. 

If that money is distributed by the same formula used last spring for the first $13 billion in federal aid to schools, it would give more money to schools with more low-income students.  That will create an enormous opportunity for our urban schools. Using that formula, former Chicago Public Schools CEO Paul Vallas estimates that Chicago Public Schools, with an operating budget of $6.4 billion a year, will get just over $1 billion in new federal money. That is probably enough to assemble the resources and support across many fronts—if teachers, administrators, school boards, businesses, non-profits, unions, parents, and elected leaders cooperate to dramatically accelerate what to this point has been a slow evolution toward adopting and exploiting the full potential of digitally-enabled remote learning.

What Happened Last Spring

The decisions last spring to send all children home understandably caught America’s 131,000 public, private, and charter K-12 schools off guard. Some districts and schools rose to the challenge; many more did not. 

Now teachers’ unions are agitating against both opening schools prematurely and against expectations that they prepare to become full-time online instructors. Unions obviously are right to be concerned about their members’ safety. But the unions can’t have it both ways. If schools stay closed while teachers balk at providing synchronous remote instruction, millions of U.S. children will fall even further behind. Primary and middle schoolers won’t be acquiring the foundational skills – in phonics, reading and arithmetic – they need to become lifetime learners and productive workers. 

Data on the spring semester makes it extremely clear that things must change in the fall. 

By April 3, three weeks after school districts began shutting down, 76 percent of the 82 large districts studied by the University of Washington’s Center on Reinventing Public Education (CRPE) still provided no instruction to students. More distressing, by May 22, a third of them still provide no instruction. 

But even that finding was overly optimistic. In a later CPRE study of a statistically representative sample of 477 school districts, “We found just one in three districts expect teachers to provide instruction, track student engagement, or monitor academic progress for all students—fewer districts than our initial study suggested,” CRPE reported. “Far too many districts are leaving learning to chance during the coronavirus closures.” 

The most damning finding: “Only 14.5 percent of school districts with the highest concentration of students receiving free or reduced-price lunch expect teachers to provide live instruction.”

National student surveys reflected the same disappointing reality: 41 percent of teens did not attend any online or virtual classes; 78 percent reported spending only one to four hours per day on online learning; 32 percent reported two hours or less; and nearly one in four said they were connecting with their teachers less than once a week. 

In a survey by YouthTruth, reports CRPE Director Robin Lake, “Only 50 percent of students say they were able to focus on learning and only 41 percent said they were motivated to do schoolwork.”

In sum, about half of U.S. public school students received little or no instruction from March onward.

McKinsey & Company, the international consulting firm, estimated how much learning would be lost in the next school year, based on modeling three scenarios for the next school year. In the first, in-class instruction resumes in fall 2020. In the second, school closures and part-time schedules continue intermittently through the 2020–21 school year, with full-time, in-school instruction delayed until January 2021. In the third scenario, the virus is not controlled until vaccines are available, and schools operate remotely for the entire 2020–21 school year.

In the second scenario — the one most likely at this point in many places — students would lose three to four months of learning (beginning in March 2020) if they received “average” remote instruction, seven to 11 months with “lower-quality” remote instruction, and 12 to 14 months if they received no instruction (thanks to a “summer learning loss” that lasted for 17 months).

If districts fail to get their acts together, leaving vulnerable student populations to experience another semester like the one that just ended, millions may never regain their academic footing. Racial and socioeconomic achievement gaps would widen because of disparities in access to devices, internet connections, schools with coherent remote learning plans, live instruction from teachers, and parental supervision (especially in single-parent homes).

 This would do lasting damage to students’ personal development and long-term learning prospects, as well as to the US economy as a whole. In 2009, McKinsey estimated the achievement gap between high- and low-income students deprived the U.S. economy of $400 billion to $670 billion a year in productivity.  An inadequate online learning response in the coming year will increase that achievement gap.

The Digital Divide

While America’s digital divide has been closing steadily, significant gaps remain. The digital divide has two primary components: broadband adoption and internet-ready computer equipment (generally laptops). 

According to the Federal Communication Commission’s latest report, 95 percent of the nation had access to mobile (LTE) coverage in 2018, and nearly 94 percent of the population had access to “advanced” fixed (wireline) broadband.  That percentage falls to 77 percent and 72 percent for people living in rural and Tribal areas, respectively. “On average, deployment is highest in census block groups with the highest median household income, the highest population density, and the lowest poverty rate,” the FCC notes. 

Almost all (96 percent) students from households earning more than $150,000 had access to a laptop or desktop computer before the pandemic, compared to only half (51 percent) of students in households earning less than $25,000. A recent study on America’s “homework gap” estimates that nearly 17 million U.S. students, especially students of color, lack fixed (wireline) internet access at home. 

Before the pandemic about a quarter of Black and Latinx households had not adopted residential broadband, compared to 10 percent of white households and 5 percent of Asian households. Among students whose families earned less than $30,000 annually, 35 percent didn’t have a broadband connection at home; in households earning more than $75,000, just 6 percent had not adopted residential broadband. 

According to researchers at the University of Michigan, students who rely mainly on mobile connections lag behind those who have fixed broadband at home:      

We find that students who do not have access to the Internet from home or are dependent on a cell phone alone for access perform lower on a range of metrics, including digital skills, homework completion, and grade point average. They are also less likely to intend on completing a college or university degree. A deficit in digital skills compounds many of the inequalities in access and contributes to students performing lower on standardized test scores, such as the SAT, and being less interested in careers related to science, technology, engineering, and math.

The Federal Communications Commission created a “Keep Americans Connected” challenge to broadband operators last March. To date, more than 800 companies and associations have pledged to (1) refrain from terminating internet service to any residential or small business customers because of their temporary inability to pay bills; (2) waive any late fees that residential or small business customers incur as a result of the pandemic; and (3) open their Wi-Fi hotspots to any American who needs them. 

The nation’s broadband providers developed new programs and expanded existing programs to help low-wage workers and families that didn’t subscribe to internet at home. For example, Cox Cable offered discounted internet to families with children who qualified for subsidized meals, selected veterans, senior citizens, college students, public housing residents, and families that received rental assistance. Comcast, Spectrum, Optimum, Suddenlink, and others offered free broadband and Wi-Fi access for 60 days to certain customers—for example, students and low-income households.

Some schools and districts engaged with community partners to ensure students had access to high-speed internet. Public libraries offered mobile hotspots. Some school districts converted buses into mobile hotspots and parked them in high-need communities.  Alabama has used $10 million in federal relief funds to make every bus in the state a Wi-Fi hotspot. 

In addition to internet access, many schools and districts stepped up in the spring, distributing laptops or tablets and internet-connectivity devices. In Seattle, for example, Amazon donated 8,200 laptops to the public school system, and the nonprofit Partnership for Connecticut distributed 60,000 laptops statewide, which Dell provided at a 62 percent discount. Philanthropists provided support for laptops in many communities.

These efforts need to be continued and expanded, with federal and state support.  However, having broadband and devices is simply not enough, as all the data indicate. Even when provided with both, many students simply were unprepared for virtual learning. Ten weeks into the shutdown, the School District of Philadelphia reported that nearly 40 percent of students failed to attend online school on an average day. In Chicago, where 90 percent of public school students had online access, 41 percent logged into an online classroom fewer than three times a week

In Los Angeles, despite an offer of free Wi-Fi service for all disconnected students rolled out in March, daily absenteeism from March through May (measured by daily logins to the district’s online learning platform) averaged 40% of all secondary students on any given day. 

There are too many barriers to successful online education that go well beyond just putting a connected laptop in a child’s hands, and those barriers must be broken down. Students must be engaged in learning by their schools and teachers; parents have to support, encourage, and push them; states and school districts must learn how to measure the effectiveness of different remote learning approaches; and districts need to give their schools the flexibility to change their staffing models, budgets, and teaching strategies.

PPI recommends that states, districts, and charter schools focus on the following areas:

Training Teachers

Despite scant experience or training in virtual education, many teachers were thrust overnight into a wrenching transition from face-to-face instruction to online teaching. And most districts were not prepared to train them. Seven out of ten surveyed teachers reported they had not been properly prepared for virtual learning. The Washington Post reported that a survey found 43 percent of school administrators and 57 percent of teachers feeling “overwhelmed” by distance learning instruction.

In New York City, teachers were only given three days of training in online instruction, which for many of them was a first-time-ever introduction to basic learning platforms such as Google Classroom. But few teachers across the country had ever had to figure out how the keep third graders engaged in a Zoom class all day, how to use online content to excite the curiosity of inner city kids, how to grade fairly when some homes had no parent available to assist, or dozens of other challenges. For thousands of dedicated and conscientious teachers, the learning curve toward a new and different style of pedagogy has been steep. 

A new survey of 800 educators by EdTech Evidence Exchange and the University of Virginia found that only 27 percent of teachers participated in any kind of formal professional learning for online instruction last spring. About a quarter of teachers reported they covered no new material during the school closings, while more than half said they covered less of the curriculum than they normally do. 

Some districts are wisely delaying school openings to allow time to train teachers in remote learning. For instance, Clark County, Nevada’s largest district, delayed the start of school by two weeks to provide teachers 10 full days of professional development.

There are many kinds of educational software already available that schools can use, much of it free. For instance, Summit Public Schools in California has spent the past decade developing and sharing its Summit Learning Program for free with almost 400 other schools around the country. Developed by its teachers and programmed by software engineers provided by Mark Zuckerberg, it is a sophisticated system that uses software and online tools to help kids acquire content knowledge and projects to help them develop their deeper learning skills, such as research, writing, speaking, critical thinking, and teamwork.

Khan Academy, developed by Salman Kahn, is another widely used and highly respected free resource. It provides more than 6,500 video lessons in math, science, computing, arts and humanities, economics, reading, and life skills. By 2020, it had more than 5.6 million subscribers, and its videos had been viewed more than 1.7 billion times

Most teachers need intensive training to learn about their instructional options, confer with school leaders and parents about which option best meet their students’ needs, and become comfortable using them. On top of that, teachers need training in how to engage students and keep them engaged—an entirely different challenge during remote education than with a classroom full of children. 

Hit especially hard by school closures were the 7.1 million students ages 3-21 who required special education services. Not only did many of them lack computers and residential broadband, but many were cut off from occupational, speech, and physical therapy. Because the hallmark of special education is individualized or small-group support for students with a wide array of unique needs, it is impossible to devise a standard “model” for remote learning. Online programs and computers must be tailored to reflect students’ various disabilities. Some experts believe teachers should also offer one-on-one support to acclimate special needs students to learning by computer and to track their progress. 

Some states allow in-person supports for students with disabilities. In Maryland and California, some providers may visit children’s homes,” reports Beth Hawkins in The 74. “In Washington state, some students can attend meetings and receive services in school buildings with proper social distancing.”

As many parents with pre-schoolers discovered last spring, trying to deliver early learning digitally also can be an exasperating experience for everyone involved. According to education researcher Jesse McNeill:

Distance learning presents a particular challenge to early childhood learners. Remote learning strategies that work for older students (e.g., synchronous, hour-long lectures) do not translate to younger students who rely heavily on adult facilitation and cannot pay attention for long periods. In addition, many early childhood learning activities require one-on-one facilitation or small-group interaction, which is difficult to deliver in a distance learning environment.

To surmount such difficulties, pre-K teachers and parents will have to work closely together to develop routines around remote instruction that respect the multiple pressures on working parents, and that also build in opportunities for the face-to-face interactions that young children need. 

In short, online learning isn’t simply a matter of parking a teacher in front of a camera and rolling the tape. Everyone – students, teachers, parents and administrators – will need training in new ways to teach and learn. 

Engaging and Supporting Parents

The effectiveness of virtual learning often hinges on how engaged parents are in making sure their children participate. In effect, remote learning shifts some of the burden of administering their children’s education from teachers to parents, who also have to navigate their own work responsibilities. One recent study found that 60 percent of teachers say that the lack of parental supervision and support at home is a key reason why students don’t participate in online learning.

Many older and low-income parents lack digital skills (and some lack English language skills) to coach their children on how to learn online. In fact, according to a survey by the Joan Ganz Cooney Center, many parents ironically look to their kids to teach them these skills:

Children frequently help their parents use devices that connect to the Internet, such as computers, tablets, and smartphones. Half (53 percent) of all low- and moderate-income parents who use the Internet say that their child helps them, including 63 percent of those whose child is between 10 and 13 years old. Parents with lower educational attainment are more likely to turn to their children for help: 62 percent of those who did not graduate from high school do so, compared with 45 percent of those with a college degree. Hispanic parents are the most likely to say that their child has helped them use Internet-connected devices (63 percent, compared with 45 percent of Whites), but there were no statistically significant differences within the Hispanic community by income, language, or immigrant generation. 

The Centers for Disease Control (CDC) estimates that in households with minor children, only about 35 percent of parents are able to telework from home. Since someone has to stay home to take care of the kids, single parents who aren’t able to telework are forced to give up their jobs. Only 19.7 percent of Blacks and 16.2 percent of Latinos can telework and support their children’s learning throughout the day.

Remote learning places a special burden on parents who also happen to be teachers. According to the Brookings Institution, nearly half of public school teachers have children living at home. It’s difficult to deliver online instruction to their students while also helping their children get the most from their online courses – especially if both things are happening at the same time. 

Federal funds to help parents afford childcare during the upcoming school year are essential, including support for innovative solutions such as “learning pods” or “pandemic pods.” These are small groups of students who learn together with an in-person teacher or tutor. A Godsend to parents trying to juggle their day jobs while also supervising their childrens’ education, learning pods nonetheless are expensive and families with low and modest incomes should get public help to defray the costs. 

Schools also need to engage parents in helping to teach their children, particularly parents without computer skills. In Prince George’s County, Maryland, the school district has created nine Parent Centers throughout the 133,000-student district, where parents can get help with using computers and other challenges. The Centers give parents tips on keeping children engaged, connecting with a Parent Teacher Organization (PTO), and finding the best ways to communicate with teachers and monitor student participation.

A practice of many of the nation’s best charter schools to encourage parental engagement should be widely adopted.  Many charters have long sent teachers to visit their students’ homes and asked parents to sign contracts that commit them to supporting the education of their children. Some of the nation’s more innovative school districts, including those in Denver and Washington, D.C., have begun to emulate this practice. Several studies have found that students perform better when teachers actively reach out to their parents.

But not all “family engagement” is equally effective. As many parents know, involvement in a PTA, a potluck dinner at school, or a back-to-school night doesn’t help their kids learn. Research suggests that parents can best help their children by communicating high expectations and the value of learning, monitoring progress and holding their children accountable, supporting learning at home, advocating for them, and guiding their major decisions to college or career.

Some schools and districts actively help parents develop these skills. The Flamboyan Foundation, a leader in this field, has trained thousands of teachers, particularly in Washington, D.C.  The training has several purposes, according to Flamboyan’s former executive director, Susan Stevenson: 1) to change teacher beliefs and mindsets about parents, so they see parents as assets and engaging them as part of their responsibility; 2) to build trusting, mutually respectful relationships and two-way communication with families; 3) to help teachers work with parents (and their surrogates), so those parents can help their children succeed in school; 4) and to enable teachers to learn from families about their children, so they can better teach them. 

Districts and charter networks should use some of any federal money that arrives to train and pay their teachers to do these things, virtually as well as physically. Funding will also be necessary to provide translators for parents and other caregivers who don’t speak English. 

Finally, each school should have a communication plan to ensure parents have access to timely information about available resources. Schools should also create support groups for parents of multiple children, parents of special needs students, and parents who are essential workers and cannot stay home to make sure their children are keeping up with their studies. 

Assessing Student Progress

As students return to school, whether virtually or in person, using diagnostic tests to assess their current level of content knowledge will be critical to charting a path forward. Without preliminary assessments, schools and parents will lack a yardstick for measuring the gains (or losses) from remote instruction. 

Districts and schools will need an injection of federal and state resources and support to design ways to regularly assess how well different forms of remote learning are working, so teachers can continuously improve their offerings. End-of-year tests do not help with this task: schools will need to assess progress every six weeks or so. While some already do that in some form, all will need to learn which forms of assessment work best in a remote-learning environment. For instance, they will need to incorporate student and parent surveys into their assessments, to measure student engagement. And they will need to measure and emphasize academic growth (how much children learn over time), not just proficiency (whether they are at grade level). 

Most states already require some form of annual growth measurement, although California’s approach is woeful and some other states could strengthen their methods. Tennessee’s Value-Added Assessment System offers a good model, but districts will need a different approach to measure growth more often than once a year. 

Supporting Students’ Social-Emotional Learning and Mental Health

Successful schools help students not just to learn content, but to develop their social-emotional competencies, such as persistence, self-discipline, responsible decision-making, ability to work with others, and ability to set and achieve goals. Like many things, this becomes more challenging in a remote-learning environment. 

One key is establishing close relationships between teachers and students. In most successful charter schools, for instance, all students participate in an “advisory” or “family”—a group of 15 or so students with one teacher. They meet regularly and often focus on activities and discussions meant to build social-emotional competencies. The teacher is expected to get to know each student and their family well and to keep track of how they are doing. Many charter school leaders believe that these close relationships—more than any other factor—helped make their transitions to remote learning effective.  

The Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL) has published a guide to enhancing social-emotional learning in this time, which includes many other useful suggestions. 

As the pandemic moves through communities, it leaves behind emotional scars. Particularly in communities of color, students grieve the loss or illness of parents and other relatives, in isolation from their friends. In the coming months, more of them will face economic hardship, including eviction from their homes. For some, mental health issues will become acute. Clearly, districts and schools need federal and state funds to hire additional social workers and psychologists who can reach out and work with students and their families dealing with trauma. 

Modernizing School System Organization 

In addition to delivering emergency aid to schools so that our children keep learning during the pandemic, our leaders need to craft a long-term strategy for making our K-12 system more resilient against future pandemics or other shocks. They should pay heed to a key lesson from school districts’ uneven performance last spring: organization matters.

Most of America’s K-12 public schools are organized under a century-old model, in which school districts own and operate all schools within a defined geography and vest authority to make all key decisions in a superintendent and his or her staff, not in school principals.

Centralized, rule-driven, bureaucratic monopolies worked well enough during the Industrial Era, when most graduates would go on to manual labor or stay home and raise kids. But global competition has raised the bar dramatically; today’s graduates must be able to do so much more to earn a decent living. Meanwhile, the pace of change has accelerated and computer technologies have made amazing things possible. 

In response, a new model for school organization and governance has begun to emerge, geared to the knowledge economy. Non-hierarchical and decentralized, the new model is built upon school autonomy, strict public accountability, and the ability to choose among very different schools tailored to the diverse needs of children. In the 21st century, success comes from decentralized networks of mission-driven organizations whose customers have choices, not from top-down bureaucracies.

This explains why public charter schools, which are freed from district bureaucracies, educate urban children far more effectively than district schools in most cities. By their fourth year in a charter, urban charter students learn 50 percent more every year than district students with similar demographics and past test scores, according to a study of 41 urban regions by Stanford University’s Center for Research on Education Outcomes.

Free from red tape and bureaucracy, charters are also nimbler than district-operated schools. Recent surveys by the Center for Reinventing Public Education, at the University of Washington, showed that charter management organizations transitioned to distance learning faster and more thoroughly this spring than districts did, on average. They were already more likely to use educational software, to deliver personalized learning, and to engage parents in their children’s learning. CRPE found that many of them quickly redefined teachers’ roles and responsibilities to fit the new reality—using teacher leaders for each grade to lead the redesign of instruction, record sample lessons, and organize professional development for other teachers, for instance.  

On the other hand, school districts had the resources to purchase and distribute computers and hotspots quickly, a big advantage. To adapt to remote learning effectively, in other words, school systems needed strong central offices capable of marshaling resources but decentralized operation of individual schools, so empowered principals and teachers can quickly implement remote education and the support systems required for success.  

New Orleans, a district in which every public school is chartered, provides a compelling example of how to take advantage of district-level power and school-level adaptability. Within three school days of the sudden closure, more than half the city’s public schools were handing out free meals. Within three weeks of closure, the school district had procured thousands of laptops and hotspots, which it then delivered to schools for distribution to those who needed them.

By March 23, the beginning of the second week of school building closures, at least 97 percent of New Orleans public schools had begun providing their students with some form of physical and/or digital educational resources to continue learning,” reports New Schools for New Orleans. By mid-April, a Louisiana Department of Education survey showed that teachers at all New Orleans public schools were reaching out to their students at least weekly, teachers at 90 percent were giving students feedback on their work, and teachers at 80 percent were delivering new content across all grade levels. This summer 60 percent of New Orleans’ charters offered virtual summer school to prevent an exacerbated “summer slide” (learning loss) for their students. 

The combination of capable central offices that can steer well and empowered school leaders and teachers who can row effectively is possible in a system of charter schools. But it is also possible in districts that give schools charter-like autonomy. (With this autonomy must come accountability for performance—including potential replacement by a stronger operator—since not all autonomous schools will succeed.) 

More than a dozen school districts across the nation are converting significant numbers of their schools to this model. A good example is Indianapolis Public Schools, which has converted a third of its schools to nonprofit organizations with full autonomy and five-year performance agreements. They are called “innovation network schools,” and they include restarts of failing schools, new startups, conversions of district schools, and conversions of charter schools. Since they were launched five years ago, they have been the fastest improving group of schools in the district.

States should create incentives – both carrots and sticks — for districts to do this. In Texas, for instance, the state can appoint a new school board if a district school is rated failing for five years in a row. But districts that recruit nonprofit organizations to operate “partnership schools” get a two-year reprieve from sanctions, plus an average of $1,000 per student per year in extra funding to help turn around those schools. 

Because such autonomous schools have more leeway to create innovative approaches to distance learning, other states should pass similar legislation, and Congress should include a financial incentive to encourage states to do so. By devoting as little as $2-3 billion to challenge grants for states that empower and encourage their districts to shift toward a more decentralized model, the federal government could speed up a transition that is underway but moving far too slowly.

Conclusion

The various investments proposed above focus on the immediate need to improve remote learning, but they will benefit students when they return to school buildings as well. Educational software and online resources are incredibly valuable, whether as primary or secondary/homework materials, and the more familiar teachers, students and parents are with them, the better. Parental engagement is an area most schools need to improve rather dramatically, so improvements made during a period of exclusively remote learning will benefit their students as more normal conditions return. Assessment of student progress is already rudimentary at too many schools, so efforts to expand it and make it more sophisticated during the pandemic can help for the long term. The same goes for social-emotional learning and mental health supports. And finally, the need to modernize our century-old operating systems for public education was acute before the pandemic and will remain so afterward.

America’s school districts and charter networks will use some of any forthcoming emergency federal money for technology, and some of it to make their school buildings safer when students return to them. But educational leaders should not ignore the “people” side of the equation. More than anything else, we need more involved parents, teachers with more expertise in using educational software and the Internet, students able to learn because they have support in dealing with the trauma in their lives, and school districts in which the central office can steer effectively but leave the rowing—the operational decisions about hiring, firing, budget, curriculum and school day and year—to those hired to run the school.