America Turns Left On Social Issues, But Not On Government

In his article for McClatchy Newspapers on “Social Issues and Public Opinion”, David Lightman quotes PPI President Will Marshall:

Some saw Barack Obama as a modern-day Franklin Roosevelt, ushering in a 21st century version of New Deal liberalism. Others saw a John F. Kennedy, heralding the dawn of a new progressive age of expanding rights.

America in the age of Obama is something in between, a new landscape for a new century. Liberal on social issues. Solidly in support of the liberal government programs delivered in those earlier times. Yet hamstrung by debt and highly skeptical about expansive government.

“On cultural issues, the direction the country is moving is more progressive,” said Will Marshall, president of the centrist Progressive Policy Institute. “But that’s less clear on economic issues.”

Read the rest of Lightman’s piece here.

 

 

President Obama, Republicans Fight the Class War

In his article for Politico on “Class Warfare,” Jonathan Martin quotes PPI president Will Marshall:

Will Marshall, head of the centrist Democratic think tank Progressive Policy Institute, said the GOP would suffer until it made tough decisions on policy in much the same way Democrats did in the 1980s.

“Republicans are at the first stage of the ‘politics of evasion,’ where you pin defeats on everything but your outlook and agenda,” said Marshall, referencing the title of the searing self-indictment penned by a pair of Democratic moderates the year after the party’s third consecutive White House loss in 1988. “It’s always the candidate, the media, the tactics or our people weren’t excited.”

Ayres also found similarities between the GOP’s class problems now and Democrats’ class problems a generation ago.

Read the rest of Martin’s piece here.

The Country, Not the Supreme Court, Will Settle Gay Marriage

In his piece on gay marriage for McClatchy Newspapers, David Lightman quotes PPI president Will Marshall:

Court cases addressing large social issues can reflect trends already under way in society, seen in popular culture and taking hold in the country’s psyche.

The 1954 ruling on desegregation came seven years after Jackie Robinson had integrated baseball. In the years after that, white Americans were exposed to black artists such as Bill Cosby and Diahann Carroll on television. Similarly, gays and lesbians have become more widely accepted in society, in part as more of them reveal their orientation and are embraced by friends and family, and as the culture portrays them as part of the mainstream.

“Social change is organic,” said Will Marshall, the president of the Progressive Policy Institute, a centrist group. “It takes time for people to accept different concepts and ideas.”

Read Lightman’s whole piece here.

Student Debt Investment Fund (SDIF): A Preliminary Proposal for Addressing the Student Debt Crisis

The Progressive Policy Institute proposes the creation of a new, private sector Student Debt Investment Fund (“SDIF”) that would address the student debt crisis. The proposed SDIF would act as a secondary market for student loan debt, capitalized by corporate profits currently held abroad. In return, participating U.S. corporate entities would receive tax credits. The SDIF would purchase existing student loans, apply a discount to the loan amount, and restructure the loan through refinancing the debt.

By matching need for financial relief with available investment funds, the proposed SDIF could be a private sector solution to a public problem. Without action, the student debt crisis will be the next financial disaster. One in five households is currently saddled with student debt, now over $1 trillion, which cannot be discharged in bankruptcy or refinanced at today’s historically low interest rates. At the same time, multinational U.S.-based companies are sitting on an estimated $2 trillion in cash reserves, much of it profits held abroad. Companies are unwilling to repatriate these profits under current tax law for fear of excessive financial penalties.

Societal benefits of the proposed SDIF include: (1) deflating the student debt bubble slowly, (2) facilitating economic growth by freeing financial resources for millions of young Americans, (3) enabling more young people to invest in their human capital, and (4) providing a way for U.S. corporate entities to invest their excess funds in America strategically and promote public well-being. The benefits to business include tax credits issued annually over the term of the investment and the potential for an annual return on investment depending on the success of the SDIF. The benefits to government include transferred risk to the private sector from reduced student loan exposure and potential tax revenue that would not have been received otherwise.

Download the policy proposal.

Democratic Devolution: How America’s Colleges and Universities Can Strengthen Their Communities

In the face of a deepening economic and political crisis, the U.S. political and governing system is deadlocked. We need a new way forward. The old and tired government versus markets debate is just that—old and tired. It’s time for a broader mobilization of America’s civic resources, including the nonprofit sector and especially our colleges and universities.

We see government as a catalyst that stimulates new forms of interaction and partnerships between all sectors of society. Based on our experience at the University of Pennsylvania, we believe government should challenge all institutions of higher education (public and private; community colleges, colleges, and universities) to contribute systematically to improving the quality of life and learning in their local communities.

When called to service (e.g., Peace Corps, AmeriCorps) young people have answered the call. Each year, more than 75,000 citizens serve through AmeriCorps alone. But it is not enough to simply call upon college students to serve. Rather, government should challenge institutions of higher education, as well as students, to make a greater contribution to the public good.

America’s colleges and universities represent immense concentrations of human and economic capital (with nearly four million employees, 20 million enrolled students, $400 billion in endowments, and $1 trillion in annual economic activity). As “anchor institutions,” they have the potential to be sources of stability and permanence in civic partnerships with government and the private sector to revitalize local communities. For colleges and universities to fulfill their great potential and more effectively contribute to positive change in their communities, cities, and metropolitan areas, however, they will have to critically examine and change their organizational cultures and structures and embed civic engagementacross all components of the institution. Through more effectively targeting existing resources, as well as utilizing both modest financial incentives and the bully pulpit, the federal government can stimulate colleges and universities to realize their stated—but not fully realized—mission of service to society.

To realize this potential, we recommend a five-part strategy:

First, Congress should create a new federal commission—comprised of local, state, and national government officials along with leaders from the private sector and higher education—to forge civic partnerships with the nation’s institutions of higher education;

Second, the commission should develop innovative strategies for integrating federal programs and funding streams, as well as aligning federal efforts with these new local civic partnerships that involve colleges and universities;

Third, the commission should promote regional consortia of higher educational institutions to significantly and effectively improve schooling and community life;

Fourth, the federal government should create prestigious Presidential Awards for outstanding Higher Education-Civic Partnerships, and;

Fifth, government should provide support to colleges and universities based on the “Noah Principle”—funding given only for building arks (producing real change), not for predicting rain (describing the problems that exist and will develop if actions are not taken).

Download the memo.

Election Watch: Akin’s Flap May Doom GOP Senate Takeover Chances

It’s a rare event when a Senate contest affects a presidential campaign—or indeed, an entire election cycle. But for the moment, that’s what seems to have happened in Missouri, thanks to freshly minted GOP nominee Todd Akin’s witless talk about abortion and rape, and his determination (so far) to stay in the race despite threats and importuning from practically the entire Republican Party and conservative movement (with the exception of a few Christian Right colleagues). Most immediately, Akin’s big mistake has demolished what Republicans thought to be their most promising Senate takeover opportunity this year. Shortly after his primary win over two other major conservative opponents earlier this month, Akin, long considered the weakest of the available candidates, had already opened up a big lead over Sen. Claire McCaskill, and was beginning to consolidate conservative support very rapidly. Now a new Rasmussen poll (of all things!) shows McCaskill up by ten points, with Akin’s favorable/unfavorable ratio at a disastrous 35/53 level.

No one but Akin himself can get the wounded candidate off the ballot at this point, and with the deadline for an easy withdrawal and replacement by the state party having already passed, it would be complicated to make the switch, aside from the depleted resources, hurt feelings and late start a new nominee would inherit. So we are now in the midst of a game of “chicken” in which Akin may still believe the state and national GOP will relent and support his candidacy once the current furor has ended, and Republicans will undoubtedly keep the pressure on to convince him he’s throwing away a Senate seat and the good will of the party forever and ever. My money’s on an eventual withdrawal, but the hard-core public support he’s gotten to hang tough from Mike Huckabee, a pretty formidable figure in the GOP and a potential 2016 presidential candidate, is an important counterweight to that temptation. Another factor will be whether grassroots Christian Right forces around the country embrace Akin as a martyr to their ban-abortion-with-no-exceptions cause, and provide him with the money to run a credible campaign without the party, 501(c)(4) and super PAC funds he’s been denied. Continue reading “Election Watch: Akin’s Flap May Doom GOP Senate Takeover Chances”

Election Watch: Democrats and Republicans Elated By Romney/Ryan Ticket

Without question, the big election-related event of the last week was the surprising announcement—both its content and its timing, before the Summer Olympics had ended—of Paul Ryan as Mitt Romney’s running-mate. I cannot recall any such event that (a) had so pervasive an immediate impact on the party in question’s general election strategy, and (b) was welcomed with such joy by activists in both parties.

The two dimensions of the choice are closely related. Whatever else you think of Romney/Ryan, this ticket represents a large strategic concession to the Obama campaign, which has been struggling all year to convert the election from a referendum on the economy to a choice of two future agendas for the country. Indeed, Romney’s promise that he would sign the Ryan Budget if passed by Congress was exhibit A in that effort. With Ryan on the ticket itself, and drawing enormous media attention for his views, the Obama campaign can declare “mission accomplished” in its most fundamental strategic mission (which is not to say, of course, that the “referendum” phenomenon has gone away entirely or that a downward lurch in the economy between now and November 6 might not be disastrous).

But the excitement of conservative activists about Ryan reflects their own unhappiness with the “referendum” strategy, not to mention their fears that Romney (a) might not be reliable if he wins, and (b) might not have a mandate to carry out the policies they desire. I’ve argued before that one of Romney’s problems is that he’s never quite ended the GOP primaries. The choice of Ryan achieves that objective decisively, and could give the GOP campaign slightly more tactical flexibility that it would otherwise enjoy. Continue reading “Election Watch: Democrats and Republicans Elated By Romney/Ryan Ticket”

Election Watch: Campaign Attacks Heat Up with Conventions Around the Corner

With the national political conventions right around the corner, both presidential campaigns have become notably more aggressive. The president, his super PAC and key surrogates have kept up a regular drumbeat of attacks on Mitt Romney’s record at Bain Capital, his identification with wealthy Americans, and his refusal to release tax returns. The Romney campaign’s latest gambit has been an ad claiming that Obama has “gutted” the 1996 welfare reform law and is now in favor of sending unconditional cash assistance to recipients.

Both campaigns have also continued the habit of loudly crying “foul” against opposition tactics. The Romney campaign and the conservative commentariat have become almost unhinged over the taunting of their candidate by Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, who has repeatedly claimed a (unnamed) reliable source privately told him Romney’s hiding a decade of paying little or no federal taxes. It’s become axiomatic on the Right that Reid is simply making it all up, while some Democrats busily speculate about the possible identity of Reid’s source (with the Huntsman family of Utah, which has many close connections with Romney and with Bain Capital, and is also friendly with Reid, being the most common guess). Romney’s “welfare ad,” which tries to turn an agency announcement that the administration would entertain waiver requests from states into some sort of unilateral abolition of work requirements, gained a quick denunciation from former President Clinton, whose image is in the ad, and from welfare policy specialists in both parties.

It has been widely assumed that the “softening up” of Romney via a focus on his character and business record would soon give way to an all-out Democratic assault on the Ryan Budget and other controversial GOP policies, but the personal lines of attack, having exhibited some signs of success in undermining the candidate’s personal favorability ratings, are lingering on. Obama’s new catch-phrase “Romney Hood” represents one way his campaign is seeking to cross the bridge from biography to policy. Continue reading “Election Watch: Campaign Attacks Heat Up with Conventions Around the Corner”

Simply False: Mitt Romney’s Cynical Welfare Nostalgia

PPI’s Will Marshall, with years of experience in welfare reform during the Clinton years, criticized the false attacks by the Romney campaign on the Obama administration’s so called “dismantling” of work requirements to receive welfare.  In his article in the Daily Beast, Marshall explains how Romney’s cynical politics are “simply false.”

Republicans really miss welfare—the issue, not the program.

For decades, they used it to drive a wedge between Democrats and white working-class voters. But the GOP had no choice but to drop “welfare queens”  from its lexicon after President Bill Clinton signed a landmark bill in 1996 “ending welfare as we know it.”

Now Mitt Romney, running a thoroughly retro presidential campaign, is trying to bring the issue back to life. With all the subtlety and scrupulous regard for fact his campaign has shown in other attacks on President Obama—which is to say, absolutely none—it’s now accusing Obama of “unilaterally dismantling” the 1996 law by bureaucratic fiat.

What triggered this hyperbole was a Department of Health and Human Services decision last month to grant states waivers from federal welfare rules to help them cope with the effects of a prolonged economic slump. Liberals have had a field day noting that Romney’s attack on the HHS is doubly hypocritical: first because some Republicans were among the governors asking the agency for more flexibility, and second, because devolving decisions from Washington to the states is supposed to be a core principle for conservatives.

Proving once again that he does not fear the hobgoblins of inconsistency, Romney brushed such criticisms aside while stumping in Iowa on Wednesday. Instead, he accused the Obama administration of having “removed the requirement of work from welfare.”

That is simply false.

Read the entire article HERE.

GOP Guts Teen Pregnancy Prevention

If U.S. conservatives have made any useful contribution to anti-poverty policy, it’s driving home this crucial point: family structure matters. The whole vicious cycle of intergenerational poverty usually begins with teen pregnancy and unwed births.

Yet House Republicans this week proposed to gut federal programs that aim at reducing teen pregnancies. How do conservatives square their antipathy to such programs with their understanding of the risks and disadvantages of growing up in poor families headed by unmarried mothers?

You might think the answer is obvious: Mistrustful of government in general, Republicans don’t believe it knows how to do anything as complicated as promoting responsible sexual behavior.  Ok, but the same Republicans who called for cutting spending on prevention programs also voted to boost spending on federal abstinence programs.

So let me get this straight: Republicans believe that Washington is hopelessly incompetent when it comes to encouraging young girls to take every precaution against an unwanted pregnancy, but masterful in persuading them not to have sex at all. There’s little evidence to support this view, but in the GOP of Norquist and Bachmann, facts are no match for dogma.

Continue reading “GOP Guts Teen Pregnancy Prevention”

Where Are The Women Wonks?

PPI managing director for policy and strategy Anne Kim writes about the gender discrepancy amongst think tank staff in Washington for the Washington Monthly. She elicits why she thinks the particularly strong trend exists as it does.

 Every day in Washington, D.C., brings numerous announcements about the various policy events, forums, and conferences around town that serve as meet-and-greets for the city’s thinking elite. In addition to a prepackaged muffin or a stale sandwich and some badly brewed coffee, these events typically feature a slate of experts on whatever topic is the focus. Also typically, most of these experts are men.

One recent big-name panel on money in politics, for example, featured seven white men (including the moderator) and just one woman: Jane Harman, the Woodrow Wilson Center resident and former congresswoman. Another recent all-day, all-star conference on economic policy included only twelve women among the fifty featured speakers.

Certainly, some of the most powerful people in policy today are women, such as the Center for American Progress’s president, Neera Tanden, and Sarah Rosen Wartell, president of the Urban Institute. But male “brand-name” policy experts far outnumber the women. Men—white men—dominate the senior management at many of the most influential D.C. think tanks. And men—white men—dominate the ranks of “scholars” in many institutions.

Read the entire article here

PPI in the News: Elect more women to end gridlock

 

More than 300 women, a record high, have filed to run for Congress this year, which means a likely gain of female members come November. In addition to greater parity for women–who’ve been chronically underrepresented–more women in Congress could bring another benefit: Less gridlock.

Female senators have a markedly more bipartisan vote record than their male peers do. Moreover, studies in personality research find that women are more cooperative than men, more willing to compromise, more empathetic and, moreover, more polite.

As Debbie Walsh, director of the Center for American Woman and Politics at Rutgers University puts it: “Women are more likely to work across the aisle and find compromise.”

Read the entire article HERE

Elect More Women to End Gridlock

The HillPPI Senior Fellow Anne Kim writes for The Hill on the record number of women running for Congress and their potential impact on Capitol Hill:

More than 300 women, a record high, have filed to run for Congress this year, which means a likely gain of female members come November. In addition to greater parity for women–who’ve been chronically underrepresented–more women in Congress could bring another benefit: Less gridlock.

Female senators have a markedly more bipartisan vote record than their male peers do. Moreover, studies in personality research find that women are more cooperative than men, more willing to compromise, more empathetic and, moreover, more polite.

As Debbie Walsh, director of the Center for American Woman and Politics at Rutgers University puts it: “Women are more likely to work across the aisle and find compromise.”

Read the entire article HERE.

The Forgotten Communitarian

PPI President Will Marshal explains why Bill Clinton’s contributions to restoring the language of civic obligation are so frequently overlooked over at Democracy:

“In “Restoring the Language of Obligation,” [Issue #24] James Kloppenberg laments “the ignorance of most Americans about the centrality of the concept of obligation in American history.” Yet there’s a gaping hole in his own synopsis of that history—the 1990s, when civic themes re-entered the nation’s political discourse in a big way”

“Invocations of civic duty and the disinterested pursuit of the common good were touchstones of American politics from colonial days until around the 1970s, says Kloppenberg, when liberals “traded the language of duties for the language of rights.” He argues persuasively that the ensuing fixation with rights talk and identity politics sped the unraveling of the New Deal coalition, and, by eroding more expansive notions of social solidarity, abetted the rise of Ronald Reagan’s anti-government populism.”

“But there his recap ends, skipping the striking period of civic ferment that followed. In politics, for example, Bill Clinton and the “New Democrats” consciously sought to reclaim the civic-republican tradition. Concepts like mutual obligation, community, and national service, and balancing citizens’ rights with their responsibilities, were central to the nation’s political conversation in the 1990s, and even migrated abroad via the “third way” dialogue between Clinton, Tony Blair, and other center-left political leaders.”

Read the entire article HERE.

Online Petitions Distract Congress From Real Issues

Anne Kim, PPI Managing Director of Policy and Strategy, explains how online petitions distract Congress from real issues over at U.S. News:

“Recently, Congress finally wrapped up weeks of heated debate over the survival of the Export-Import bank—a tiny, independent, and once-obscure agency that involves just 2 percent of U.S. exports.”

“The sudden spotlight on the once-incognito Export-Import bank is in part about election year politics; there aren’t enough teapots to hold the tempests politicos seem to brew daily. But credit also goes to a cottage industry of special interests organizations that make a living serving up “issues” as red meat for their memberships (and coincidentally as vehicles for their fundraising).”

“The campaign to end Export-Import Bank, for example, was one of several national petition drives being peddled by the right-leaning National Taxpayers Union. (The organization’s home page invites visitors to “Donate,” “Shop,” or “Take Action,” in that order, and the merchandise includes such books as How to Fight Property Taxes available for $9.95.) It was also a top legislative priority for the lobbying arm of the conservative Family Research Council, FRC Action, which prospective members can join for just $25, as well as a “key vote” for the Club for Growth.”

Read the entire op-ed HERE.