WSJ: Why Entrenching Net Neutrality Carries Risks

PPI Senior Fellow Hal Singer was cited by The Wall Street Journal today in an article arguing that the Internet marketplace has so far kept “paid prioritization” of Internet traffic at bay without the heavy hand of regulators:

When regional Bell companies were forced to “unbundle” and lease their infrastructure to competitors at cost, it dampened investment in that infrastructure, Mr. Singer and Robert Litan, an economist at the Brookings Institution, argue in a report for the PPI. Not until the unbundling requirement ended early in the 2000s did cable and fiber investment take off, they say.

Read the piece in its entirety at The Wall Street Journal.

WSJ: Best Web Regulator Not Necessarily Net Neutrality

PPI Senior Fellow Hal Singer was quoted in the Wall Street Journal in a piece examining the adverse consequences of reclassifying the Internet as a public utility under Title II:

“Somebody has to pay for the infrastructure,” said Hal Singer, a consultant and scholar at the Progressive Policy Institute. If ISPs can’t charge content providers, they’ll charge consumers, who generally are more price-sensitive, and the result will be less usage.

Read the piece in its entirety on The Wall Street Journal. 

NYT: Internet Taxes, Another Window Into the Net Neutrality Debate

PPI Senior Fellow Hal Singer was quoted by the New York Times in a piece on how reclassifying the Internet as a public utility may hurt the wallet of consumers:

The Internet Tax Freedom Forever Act, according to Hal Singer, an economist and senior fellow at the Progressive Policy Institute, “limits the damage” from Title II regulation and its tax implications. Mr. Singer is the co-author, with Robert Litan, an economist and nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, of a recent study that estimated the potential cost to consumers of Title II regulation of Internet service. (The Progressive Policy Institute’s supporters include the National Cable and Telecommunications Association, which opposes Title II regulation. A spokesman for the institute, Cody Tucker, would not identify its financial backers, but he said that the research organization receives more funding from foundations, individuals and corporations that support Title II classification for broadband Internet service than oppose it.)

The potential pitfall, Mr. Singer said, is that the Internet tax freedom law mainly bans “general sales taxes,” but there is still room for states and municipalities to assess fees that are related to the “obligations of a telecommunications provider.” In their study, the two economists assembled a database of the taxes and fees states place on phone bills, and then assumed those charges would be levied proportionately on Internet broadband service.

Read the piece in its entirety on The New York Times.

PRESS RELEASE: New Survey Finds Americans Skeptical that FCC Regulation of the Internet Will Be Helpful; Favor More Disclosure

For Immediate Release

WASHINGTON—The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) today released the results of a new survey finding that most Americans are unfamiliar with the term “net neutrality,” want greater disclosure of the details of the FCC’s proposal to regulate the Internet, and think that the government regulating the Internet like a public utility will not be helpful.

The nationwide survey, by Hart Research Associates, was conducted from February 13 to 15, 2015 on behalf of PPI. The survey was conducted by telephone (both landline and cell phone) among a cross section of 800 adults age 18 and over. It found:

  • Nearly three out of four (74%) Americans are unfamiliar with the term “net neutrality” and what it refers to.
  • 73% of Americans want greater disclosure of the details of the FCC’s proposal to regulate the Internet.
  • Nearly eight in ten (79%) Americans favor public disclosure of the exact wording and details of the FCC’s proposal to regulate the Internet before the FCC votes on it.
  • Only one in three Americans thinks that regulating the Internet like telephone service will be helpful.

“The public neither understands nor supports the FCC voting on net neutrality rules without greater disclosure of the exact wording and the details of the proposal,” said Peter Hart, Founder of Hart Research Associates. “Net neutrality is near net zero understanding: just one in four Americans knows what the term refers to, and just one in 10 Americans has positive feelings about it. In addition, a majority of Americans think ‘the government should not take a stronger and more active role in overseeing and regulating the Internet.’”

“These findings suggest that the FCC’s bid to impose outdated telephone regulations on the Internet is driven more by professional activists than by the public, which seems instinctively to resist the idea,” said Will Marshall, PPI President. “That’s why Congress should take a closer look at what the FCC is up to and make sure these issues get a thorough public airing.”

The survey’s margin of error is ±3.46 percentage points for 800 adults at the 95% confidence level.  Sample tolerances for subgroups are larger. This is the first of several public opinion surveys PPI plans to release on issues related to regulation of the Internet and telecommunications law.

Download “2015.02_Survey_FCC-Approach-to-Net-Neutrality.pdf/”

Survey Questionnaire

For more information, please contact Cody Tucker or Steven Chlapecka at 202.525.3926.

# # #

Wall Street Journal: A Disconnect on Municipal Broadband

Should city governments get into the Internet service business, competing with the likes of Verizon, AT&T and Comcast for the right to pipe the Web into your living room or office? President Obama thinks so. He visited Cedar Falls, Iowa, on Jan. 14 to laud the city’s publicly owned utility, which offers residents fiber-optic Internet. He urged other municipalities to follow its example.

“Today, tens of millions of Americans have only one choice for that next-generation broadband, so they’re pretty much at the whim of whatever Internet provider is around,” Mr. Obama said. “And what happens when there’s no competition? You’re stuck on hold. You’re watching the loading icon spin. You’re waiting, and waiting, and waiting. And meanwhile, you’re wondering why your rates keep on getting jacked up when the service doesn’t seem to improve.”

Government-owned networks, the White House claims, can bring healthy competition to Internet service, increasing speeds and lowering prices. Mr. Obama even included a line about this in his recent State of the Union address, saying he intended to “help folks build the fastest networks.” Unfortunately for the president, his premise—that our current broadband is slow, costly and inaccessible to many Americans—simply does not check out.

Internet speeds in the U.S. are among the fastest in the world. More than 90% of American households are now served by connections capable of neck-snapping speeds of 100 megabits per second. (Streaming a movie from Netflix on the “ultra high-definition” setting requires a connection of only 25 megabits per second.) Many consumers choose to pay lower fees for slower service. Still, if individual U.S. states were ranked by average broadband speed alongside countries from across the globe, we would hold 12 of the top 20 spots.

Continue reading at The Wall Street Journal.

Forbes: The Truth Behind The FCC’s “Fact Sheet”

Earlier this week, the FCC gave us a sneak preview of what’s in store for its upcoming order on net neutrality. The ironically named “Fact Sheet” is anything but—it is filled with half-truths and internal contradictions.

At the urging of protestors and “public-interest” groups, the FCC has arrived at a fairly radical prescription—regulating Internet service providers (“ISPs”) as public utilities—and is now looking for ways to justify its approach. The problem with this politically driven result is that it exposes the FCC’s pending order to significant litigation risks, and it undermines the agency’s long-standing credibility as a dispassionate expert agency in the eyes of Congress.

The biggest whopper of the “Fact Sheet” is the claim that the FCC will forbear from rate regulation: “the Order makes clear that broadband providers shall not be subject to tariffs or other form of rate approval, unbundling, or other forms of utility regulation.” (emphasis in original). Really? By choosing to ban paid priority while permitting unpaid priority for “reasonable network management,” the FCC has effectively imposed rate regulation: a zero access price for priority arrangements within an ISP’s network.

In a further nod to rate regulation, the FCC previews that the order “will apply” sections 201 and 202 of the Title II, which will permit edge providers such as Netflix to complain that an ISP’s access rates for interconnection are “unjust and unreasonable.” The result of any such complaint process, assuming the edge provider prevails, would be a regulated access rate. And yet the FCC would have the public believe that its so-called “light-touch” Title II approach—an oxymoron if there ever was one—is free from rate regulation.

The entire purpose of embracing Title II was to permit edge providers to achieve near-zero access fees for interconnection. Under the now jettisoned “commercially reasonable” approach from section 706, which the FCC’s May 2014 notice of proposed rulemaking seemed inclined to adopt, Netflix would have little assurance of getting its access fees down to zero. Any such concerns have now been allayed. This is the very essence of rate regulation.

The “Fact Sheet” is also dishonest when it comes to the likely taxes that broadband customers will face as a result of reclassifying Internet service as a telecom service. It claims that the “Order will not impose, suggest or authorize any new taxes or fees – there will be no automatic Universal Service fees applied and the congressional moratorium on Internet taxation applies to broadband.” (emphasis in original)

The mere inclusion of broadband revenues in the rate base for federal universal service—also promised by the “Fact Sheet” as a way to “bolster universal service fund support”—will generate about $500 million in new federal fees for residential consumers. This stealth tax arises because voice revenues, which form the current rate base for universal service, are disproportionately paid by businesses. Even without an increase in program demand, the formulas used to generate federal universal service fees will automatically shift the burden at the margin away from businesses and onto consumers.

Moreover, states and localities don’t need the FCC to “suggest or authorize” any new taxes to include broadband revenues in their own rate base. Existing state and local fees that apply to the “obligations of a telecommunications carrier” could easily be extended to Internet service after reclassification.

Indeed, Vermont’s telecom director admitted this week that he is already counting on the new source of funding: “One of the things that would come along with [reclassification] is the ability to assess a universal service fee on broadband services. If that happens, the money might be there to fund these higher speeds.” To the extent that states and localities tax Internet service to the same degree as they currently tax telecom service, broadband consumers would be hit with billions in new fees.

The FCC’s promise to forbear from the scariest parts of Title II is mere window dressing. The current chairman cannot make commitments on behalf of future commissioners. So if a new chair decided to make a run at mandatory unbundling, for example, the door has now been left wide open. Given Mr. Wheeler’s sharp ideological reversal relative to his statement that accompanied the FCC’s Notice in May 2014—when he vowed to bifurcate interconnection from net neutrality—there is little reason to believe that Mr. Wheeler himself won’t change his mind on forbearance in a few months.

The “Fact Sheet” lays out a blueprint for heavy-handed regulation that is certain to meet fierce litigation, and likely to meet a swift reversal by the courts on both substantive and procedural grounds. Banning paid priority, even under Title II, is highly unorthodox. While the D.C. Circuit suggested that case-by-case treatment of paid priority under Title II with the same “guilty-until-proven-innocent” presumption from the 2010 Order might be kosher, a blanket prohibition is a different animal.

And reclassifying carriers without a finding of market power seems very sketchy. Does the FCC really think that Sprint can raise wireless prices above competitive levels or exclude rivals?

Setting aside the substance, the FCC’s rush to beat Congress to a legislative solution to net neutrality has caused the agency to take short cuts, which will also be frowned upon by the courts. Neither forbearance nor interconnection has been properly briefed. Accordingly, ISPs and tech startups are complaining about potential violations of the Administrative Procedure Act.

The FCC should level with Americans on the merits and demerits of Title II. It is a highly risky maneuver that necessarily entails rate regulation and a dose of new taxes. The “Fact Sheet” sugarcoats the truth.

This piece is cross-posted from Forbes.

The Hill: It’s time for Congress to end the net neutrality wars

At the Consumer Electronic Show in Las Vegas last week, Federal Communications Commission (FCC) Chairman Tom Wheeler announced his intention to reclassify Internet service as a public utility in order to achieve President Obama’s laudable goal of a free and open Internet. Because this outdated “solution” has tied the FCC in knots for years, and is fraught with legal risk, it’s time for Congress to step in and lift net neutrality out of the regulatory morass.

By making equal access to the Internet the law of the land, Congress could settle this contentious issue once and for all. It should create a new source of authority to regulate the dealings between Internet service providers (ISPs) and content providers — outside the creaky confines of Title II of the 1934 Communications Act. In this way, Congress can more effectively meet the president’s net neutrality goals without recourse to outdated telecom regulations that could raise broadband prices, impede investment in the core of the network, and pull content providers and the services they offer within the ambit of archaic telephone regulations.

A bipartisan consensus is forming around the need for a legislative solution to the net neutrality problem, which has lingered for nearly a decade without resolution by the FCC. Just this week, Senate Commerce Committee ranking member Bill Nelson (D-Fla.) announced that he’s in discussions with the panel’s chairman, John Thune (R-S.D.) on a targeted, bipartisan solution. The Senate is now in a race against Wheeler to find a solution.

Continue reading at The Hill.

Obama’s Muni Broadband Initiative: Bad Economics, Bad Politics

Here are some staggering statistics: Since 2006, state and local real investment in highways and streets has fallen by 22%.  Their spending on sewer systems, in real terms, is also down by 22%. And real investment by state and local governments in water systems has fallen by a stunning 34% (chart below).

Meanwhile, over the same period, private real investment by telecommunications and broadcasting companies is up by 13%, according to statistics from the Bureau of Economic Analysis.

broadband

Why, then, does President Obama want to load yet another spending burden–muni broadband–on localities that are already stretched too thin to cover their existing obligations? On Wednesday the President unleashed a set of initiatives designed to make it easier for cities and towns to build their own broadband networks.   Setting up muni broadband networks certainly has some superficial appeal—apparently creating more competition for private ISPs and offering cheaper rates to poor residents.

But there’s an enormous problem: State and local governments are already  struggling to come up with the funds to maintain the current infrastructure of roads, bridges, sewer and water systems.  Government infrastructure spending in real terms is way down compared to before the recession, leading to potholed roads, leaky water systems, and inadequate sewers.

Meanwhile private investment in telecom and broadcasting has continued to rise, boosting network speeds for both wireless and wired broadband.  Private companies are putting private money into improving the nation’s networks, without any cost to the taxpayers.

So if state and local governments have any spare change—or rather, if they have any of the taxpayer’s spare change—they shouldn’t put it into building broadband networks that would duplicate already existing private networks. Rather, they should fix the roads, bridges, and other infrastructure for which they are legally and politically responsible, and for which there are no private alternatives.

Focusing on rebuilding traditional infrastructure can have big economic payoffs. As Diana Carew and myself noted in a March 2014 PPI policy memo– ”Infrastructure Investment and Economic Growth:  Surveying New Post-Crisis Evidence”–recent studies show that investment in transportation infrastructure can have large positive multiplier effects on the local economy.

Finally, running a muni broadband network is hard and expensive, especially since broadband networks–unlike roads and water systems–need continuous upgrading to keep with technological change.  Does the Democratic party–and local politicians—really want to be on the phone when voters complain about their Internet service? In the end, Obama’s muni broadband plan looks like both bad economics and bad politics.

 

What to Make of a CFO’s Musings on Regulatory Hypotheticals?

In recent days, the net neutrality crowd has seized on select, abbreviated versions of comments by certain executives of Internet service providers (ISPs) as evidence that ISPs are in fact supportive of the public-utility-style regulations being considered by the FCC for internet access service. Even the Chairman of the FCC made hay with the comments to advance his regulatory agenda.

As it turns out, the “gotcha” quotes were amplified in the media, while statements consistent with the “regulation-can-be-harmful” thesis were neglected. Even if we ignore what else those executives said, corporate financial officers (CFOs), or any executive for that matter, don’t have complete say over their firm’s investment decisions. That’s because external investors who lend money to ISPs are equally if not more important, particularly over the long run.

A small helping of investment theory is in order. Tim Karr at Free Press is fond of characterizing the ISP investment decision as an all-or-nothing affair, but in reality, investments (like any decision in economics) are made at the margin. Each project has a different expected return. And even within a project—say, fiber to the home (FTTH)—the expected return will vary depending on the city in which the investment would be made.

As any CFO knows, basic investment theory teaches that a firm invests in a project so long as the internal rate of return (IRR) on a project is greater than the minimum required rate of return, as measured by the firm’s the cost of capital. This is simple, folks: Line up your projects from highest to lowest IRR, and fund the ones that exceed your cost of capital. Continue reading “What to Make of a CFO’s Musings on Regulatory Hypotheticals?”

No Guarantees When It Comes to Telecom Fees

To rebut our estimate of new annual state and local taxes and fees caused by reclassification, Free Press offers two claims: (1) that all of these taxes and fees are preempted by the recent extension of the Internet Tax Freedom Act (ITFA) by Congress, and in the alternative, (2) that the Commission can designate broadband as an interstate service upon reclassification, thereby shielding broadband users from any new state or local taxes. Although the ITFA has been extended, the precise way in which the Commission designates broadband is speculative. Even if broadband is designated as an interstate service, these two elixirs fail to provide the relief for broadband users that Free Press asserts.

The ITFA Claim

In a December 14, 2014 filing with the Commission, Free Press seizes on the recent extension of the ITFA to claim that reclassification would have zero impact on the state and local fees paid by broadband users.[1] Although Free Press previously estimated the new state and local fees caused by reclassification to be $4 billion annually,[2] their revised estimate is apparently zero based on the mistaken assumption that the renewed ITFA will preempt all telecom-related taxes and fees. Free Press claims that our original (pre-extension) estimate of $15 billion is also upwardly biased in light of the extension.

The facts do not bear this out, for several reasons. First, the ITFA pertains to specific taxes such as a “sales or use taxes”[3] as opposed to telecom-related fees. Second, sales taxes constituted only one of several types of taxes and fees we considered.[4] Indeed, in 14 of the states, sales taxes were absent from the list of telecom-related taxes and fees. Third, because extension of the ITFA was uncertain at the time of our initial report, we elected not to exclude those taxes. With the benefit of hindsight, one could revise our estimates downward to exclude these sales taxes, but doing so still leaves a large annual tab for broadband users.[5]

The focus of our report was on state-based telecom-related fees for which there is no federal preemption—not from Congress and not from the Commission.[6] Indeed, the ITFA carves out state-based fees that comprise the majority of our estimate. In a section titled “Exceptions,” the original ITFA explains that the term “tax” excludes: “Any franchise fee or similar fee imposed by a State or local franchising authority, pursuant to section 622 or 653 . . . or any other fee related to obligation of telecommunications carriers under the Communications Act of 1934.”[7] In 2004, the ITFA was amended to permit states and localities to continue to collect “any fee or charges used to preserve and advance Federal universal service or similar state programs.”[8] These exemptions are nowhere to be found in the Free Press analysis. In light of these exemptions, which to our knowledge are perpetuated in the current extension of ITFA, the mere extension of ITFA will not prevent states and localities from continuing to collect all telecom-related fees.

Even with respect to state sales taxes, there is still some uncertainty over how the ITFA would apply. Free Press relies on a legislative history that assumes there is an information component to Internet access, as well as a transmission component.[9] And while it seems clear that the exemption would apply to Internet access if it were classified as a telecom service, or to the transmission component of Internet access if it remained classified as an information service, it is not clear how the exemption would apply to a hypothetical transmission service that is separately offered to end user customers.

Stated differently, the ITFA appears to exempt taxation of transmission when it is an input to Internet access.[10] It is less clear on what happens if the transmission component is offered separately to end users from the information component. This appears to be the approach described by Justice Scalia.[11] It would be very helpful if Free Press and others would explain precisely the service and underlying facilities that they believe should be reclassified, as Justice Scalia did. Without knowing precisely what would be reclassified, there is still some uncertainty over the assessment of general sales taxes on hypothetical broadband transmission services.

The Interstate Designation Claim

In the event that the extension of the ITFA does not afford protection, Free Press offers a backup plan. To negate any telecom-based fees, Free Press claims that the Commission should wave its magic wand and declare broadband service to be an interstate service: It is not a “multiple choice question,” in their words, but instead an obvious conclusion “based on observable facts of how the service functions.”[12] According to Free Press, treating broadband as an interstate service would immunize broadband providers (and thus their customers) from the remaining state-based telecom-related fees, as states have traditionally taxed only intrastate revenues.[13] Free Press is mistaken here as well.

When the Commission previously considered the jurisdiction of Internet traffic, it determined that such traffic was “largely interstate,” but “jurisdictionally mixed.”[14] States routinely tax jurisdictionally mixed services that are classified as “interstate” for purposes of regulation. For example, wireless services may not be regulated by state public utility commissions, but they are subject a host of state and local taxes and fees. In several states, interstate wireless revenues are subject to taxation.[15]

Indeed, the only state or local taxes in our analysis that could be avoided if the FCC were to declare broadband to be an interstate service would be the state-based universal service fees adopted pursuant to state utility commissions. Even here, the protection is not ironclad, as there are a handful of states that assess universal service fees on interstate voice revenues, including South Carolina and Vermont.[16]

It is true that our analysis did not consider state law limitations on the application of taxes and fees to jurisdictionally mixed services that are classified as interstate for regulatory purposes. It is possible that such limitations may mitigate to some extent the effects of reclassification on consumers. Given the widespread application of state taxes and fees on wireless service, however, any such mitigation is likely to be minimal.

———–

ENDNOTES

[1] Free Press Letter, Dec. 14, 2014, at 1 (“Congress’s reauthorization of the Internet Tax Freedom Act (“ITFA”) precludes any new state or local taxes for broadband Internet access, no matter how the Commission defines and classifies it, just as the existing ITFA precluded such taxes before that reauthorization.”) (emphasis added).

[2] Matt Wood, “Claims That Real Net Neutrality Would Result in New Internet Tax Skew the Math and Confuse the Law,” Free Press Blog, Dec. 2, 2014, available at https://www.freepress.net/blog/2014/12/02/claims-real-net-neutrality-would-result-new-internet-tax-skew-math-and-confuse-law

result-new-internet-tax-skew-math-and-confuse-law (last accessed on Dec. 3, 2014) (“Even if you used PPI’s fuzzy math, this would amount to approximately $4 billion in total, nowhere near the $15 billion sum Singer and Litan cite.”).

[3] ITFA, Sec. 1104, 8 (A)(ii) (signed as Public Law 105-277 on October 21, 1998).

[4] For 14 of the states in our sample, there was no general sales tax. For the 36 states with a general sales tax, the average state sales tax was 5.5 percent.

[5] Zeroing out all sales taxes (state and local) in those states reduces our midpoint annual estimate of new state and local fees from $15 billion to $11 billion. It bears noting that we conservatively assumed no increase in the federal program demand, which resulted in a modest $0.5 billion lift in federal fees paid by residential broadband users, as the consumer contribution (compared to business) of broadband revenues (which would be newly added to the fund’s revenues) is proportionally greater than the consumer contribution of long-distance revenues. To the extent that federal program demand increases from reclassification—due to the enhanced political pressures associated with deeming broadband a public utility—the reduction in state and local fees caused by the extension of the ITFA could easily be offset by an increase in federal fees.

[6] In the same December 2, 2014 Free Press blog posting, Free Press argued that the Commission could preempt these state-based fees: “Just as the FCC can decline to extend USF assessments to retail broadband access at this time, it also has the authority to preempt states from doing so.” Section 253 of the Act authorizes the Commission to preempt state laws that would impair a carrier from providing interstate or intrastate telecom services. But assessing fees on broadband providers would not impair a firm from providing broadband services. At most, such fees would reduce broadband penetration by squeezing out marginal (price-sensitive) customers.

[7] ITFA, Sec. 1104, 8 (B) (emphasis added).

[8] ITFA, Sec. 1107, A (amended Apr. 29, 2004).

[9] Free Press Letter, at 4 (citing Report of the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation, “Internet Tax Non-Discrimination Act of 2003,” S. 150, S. Rep. No. 108-155, at 2, Sept. 29, 2003).

[10] ITFA, Sec. 1104(2)(B)(i) (amended Apr. 29, 2004).

[11] Scalia Dissent, NCTA v. Brand X Internet Service, ¶96 (“Since the delivery service provided by cable (the broadband connection between the customer’s computer and the cable company’s computer-processing facilities) is downstream from the computer-processing facilities, there is no question that it merely serves as a conduit for the information services that have already been assembled by the cable company in its capacity as ISP.”).

[12] Free Press Letter, at 3.

[13] Free Press Letter, at 5 (“This means that states will not apply to broadband any taxes or fees, including universal service fund assessments or contributions, that apply solely to intrastate telecommunications services.”).

[14] FCC adopts order addressing dial-up internet traffic, Feb. 25, 1999, available at https://transition.fcc.gov/Bureaus/Common_Carrier/News_Releases/1999/nrcc9014.html.

[15] Scott Mackey & Joseph Henchman, Wireless Taxation in the United States 2014, Tax Foundation Fiscal Fact, Oct. 2014, Appendix A.

[16] Vermont Public Service Board, Universal Service Funds, available at https://psb.vermont.gov/utilityindustries/telecom/backgroundinfo/vusf; 2014 South Carolina Universal Service Contribution Worksheet, available at https://www.regulatorystaff.sc.gov/TTWWW/2014%20SC%20USF%20Contribution%20Worksheet%20Instructions.pdf (instruction that interstate revenues must be reported).

USA Today: Old rules make Internet more expensive

If the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) votes to “reclassify” the Internet as a public utility, U.S. consumers will have to dig deeper into their pockets to pay for access to the Internet.

How deep? By our estimates, broadband subscribers would have to pay about $70 annually in additional state and local fees. When you add it all up, reclassification could add a whopping $15 billion in new user fees to consumer bills.

At issue is whether Internet service providers (ISPs) — telco and cable companies — should be regulated as public utilities under Title II of the Communications Act of 1934. Activists pushing for this approach — echoed recently by President Obama — claim it is the only way to protect “net neutrality.” Critics argue that there are better ways to ensure an open Internet without subjecting ISPs to archaic regulations designed for the old Ma Bell telephone monopoly.

Missing from this debate until now is any serious assessment of what Title II regulation would cost broadband consumers. So we ran the numbers and discovered there is nothing but bad news on this front. Once Internet access service is labeled a “telecommunications service” under Title II, consumer broadband services could become subject to a whole host of new taxes and fees.

Although these fees are paid by broadband providers, history shows — and economic models of competitive markets predict — that these charges are passed along to customers, just as they are now on your phone bill.

The Internet Tax Freedom Act pending in Congress might limit the impact of some of these taxes and fees, but not all of them. And while the FCC has the power to limit the amount of the federal Universal Service Fee, recent history shows the FCC is more likely to increase USF than reduce it. Perhaps most telling — even the staunchest defenders of Title II acknowledge that various federal and state authorities could impose billions in new charges if broadband is reclassified as a utility.

Continue reading at USA Today.

 

 

The Hill: Shooting yourself in the foot

What’s gotten into our European friends? Beset by slow growth, tensions over immigration and a rising fever of anti-Euro populism, some leaders are trying to deflect public discontent onto U.S. companies—a move that may turn out to backfire economically

The latest example comes from UK Chancellor of the Exchequer, George Osborne. He recently floated a proposed “diverted profits tax” on foreign companies doing business in Britain. It’s been called the “Google tax” and little wonder, since it’s clearly aimed at U.S. tech companies.

Osborne describes the idea as a way to foil tax avoidance strategies many companies use. That’s a legitimate issue. But what the Chancellor is proposing is a unilateral step that could torpedo the elaborate process the European Union and other governments already launched (through the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) to develop a common approach to tax base erosion and profit-shifting.

This gambit by the government of Prime Minister David Cameron, a Conservative who is forever extolling Britain’s “special relationship” with America, is unfortunately not an isolated incident.

Continue reading at The Hill.

WSJ: Obama’s New Web Tax

The Wall Street Journal editorialized PPI’s recent policy brief by Hal Singer and Bob Litan, Outdated Regulations Will Make Consumers Pay More for Broadband.

Now the Progressive Policy Institute reports that state and local regulators would join with the feds in gouging Internet consumers. That’s because states and localities have their own levies that would kick in if the Internet is officially deemed a monopoly telephone network. Authors Robert Litan of the Brookings Institution and PPI’s Hal Singer optimistically expect regulators to reduce the federal levy from the current 16.1%. But the analysts still forecast significant pain for Internet users.

“We have calculated that the average annual increase in state and local fees levied on U.S. wireline and wireless broadband subscribers will be $67 and $72, respectively. And the annual increase in federal fees per household will be roughly $17. When you add it all up, reclassification could add a whopping $17 billion in new user fees,” report Messrs. Litan and Singer.

That’s in addition to “the planned $1.5 billion extra to fund the E-Rate program,” which subsidizes schools and libraries. The authors add that the “higher fees would come on top of the adverse impact on consumers of less investment and slower innovation that would result from reclassification.”

Read the entire piece at The Wall Street Journal.

Seattle Times: Broadband taxes coming with Net neutrality reclassification?

PPI Senior Fellow Hal Singer and Robert Litan’s new report, “Outdated Regulations Will Make Consumers Pay More for Broadband,” was cited by the Seattle Times in an article discussing new taxes that could accompany Title II reclassification of broadband.

But one thing’s clear, according to the PPI report: Treating broadband as a regulated utility would lead to all sorts of taxes and government fees, just like the ones that state, local and federal governments tack on to phone bills.

State and local fees on broadband service would average $67 per year for wired broadband subscribers and $72 per year for wireless broadband subscribers, according to the think tank, which was started in 1989 to generate ideas for President Clinton’s New Democrats.

Read the article at Seattletimes.com

Bloomberg: Cable Group to FCC: Reclassification of Broadband Could Mean Higher ISP Taxes

The new PPI report “Outdated Regulations Will Make Consumers Pay More for Broadband” was referenced by Bloomberg in an article on a cable industry group’s warning against reclassification of broadband.

The letter comes just days after a Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) report was released, which estimated a possible $17 billion hike in new broadband user fees that could be sparked by Title II reclassification of broadband services.

“Our letter was not a response to the PPI report but it is complimentary in that both suggest significant tax increases for consumers if broadband services are classified as Title II,” Brian Dietz, the NCTA’s vice president of communications and digital strategy, told Bloomberg BNA in a Dec. 3 e-mail.

Read the full article at Bloomberg BNA.

Washington Examiner: Regulating the Internet as a utility would cost households billions

The Washington Examiner profiled a new report by PPI Senior Fellow Hal Singer and Robert Litan, opposing President Obama’s stance on net neutrality. “Outdated Regulations Will Make Consumers Pay More for Broadband” warns against reclassification of broadband as a Title II service.

Litan and Singer looked at the average prices for broadband access and mobile service across the United States, and then examined the non-business state and local fees applied to those prices to find their data. The results are outlined in a new policy brief published by the Progressive Policy Institute, a center-left think tank focused on “progressive, market-friendly ideas.”

Read the full article at The Washington Examiner.