What Policymakers Can Learn from Japan and the EU on Mobile Platform Regulation

Introduction

Late last year, Japan joined the recent wave of countries attempting to regulate smartphone platforms such as iOS or Android when its new Mobile Software Competition Act (MSCA) went into effect. Like similar statutes around the world, the new legislation aims to give consumers more choices when it comes to how and where they purchase apps, while improving access for third-party developers.     

But compared to some of its international peers, Japan has pursued a more smartly tailored regulatory approach that should be seen as a model. It stands in especially stark contrast to the European Union’s overbroad Digital Markets Act (DMA), avoiding many of the safety and security issues that have been created by the EU’s effort. Here are four key areas where the Japanese and European approaches differ, underscoring how the MSCA offers a better approach. 

Security and User Choice

How to give consumers more choice about where they purchase apps without compromising their security is one of the most important questions in mobile platform regulation. Europe and Japan have taken vastly different approaches to the issue.

Under Europe’s DMA, platforms must allow users to download apps directly from third-party websites, without intermediaries providing protections or checks on in-app content. This approach creates substantial security risks, allowing for the distribution of malware or other content that skirts existing security reviews conducted by platforms.

Under the law, platforms are also required to let developers use an alternative payment system — so, for instance, your favorite music streaming app could direct customers to its own payment system and entirely bypass Apple or Google’s, which might charge the companies a fee.  As a result, users might no longer be able to use trusted platform payment options and instead be forced to share their financial information with an unfamiliar firm. The tools and protections that users have come to know and trust (like refund and fraud monitoring) could be removed as a result of poorly designed attempts to increase user choice. 

By contrast, the MSCA takes an approach that protects security while still encouraging user choice. By permitting measures “ensuring cybersecurity for smartphone use,” mobile platforms can ensure that alternate app stores include security protections or block criminal content. Meanwhile, alternative payment systems must appear alongside platform payment systems, expanding user choice with flexibility rather than reducing it. 

The MSCA’s approach acknowledges that competition regulation should expand the choices users have, not eliminate existing ones or push users towards less secure alternatives. 

Protecting Kids

Policymakers around the world are grappling with a difficult question: how do we keep young people safe online in an increasingly digital world? There are no easy answers to this question. But at the very least, online competition rules shouldn’t make it more difficult to protect kids. 

Unfortunately, the DMA, passed in 2022, fails on this front. For starters, it does not include explicit protections for minors. As a result, children are treated the same as adults when it comes to the DMA’s rules on alternative app distribution and payment services, discussed above. Since the law forces platforms to allow relatively free access to sites and systems outside of the platform owner’s control, efforts to restrict the content that kids can access could be considered a violation of the DMA. For example, age restrictions for apps distributed outside the app store may not be permissible under the DMA; platforms have already been forced to allow apps containing explicit content to be installed through alternate app stores. Lacking a carveout for youth protections, kids could be left with unmitigated access to explicit or harmful content online.

Unlike the DMA, the MSCA permits measures “safeguarding youth who use smartphones.” Measures that might face legal challenges under the European approach can remain in place in Japan. Tools like limiting transaction links in apps designed for children, restricting access to alternative markets through controls at the operating system level, and limiting targeted advertising to minors are all possible through the MSCA, empowering parents. 

As PPI has previously explored, parents are strongly supportive of these sorts of controls, which enable them to make decisions about their kids’ online access. The MSCA’s approach does not resolve all of the difficult questions about kids’ online safety, but it provides the flexibility needed to maintain existing safeguards while still preserving competition. 

Interoperability and Privacy

Interoperability — allowing third parties to interface with a platform’s systems and data— is an admirable strategy for strengthening competition and helping users get more out of their devices. But it is not without tradeoffs: integration inherently requires control and access to potentially sensitive data. Competition regulation should be selective about where and how interoperability is mandated in order to maximize the benefits for users while maintaining safety as much as possible.

The European approach forces platforms to provide third parties with sweeping access to user data for interoperability purposes. For example, mobile platforms have faced requests to hand over the full contents of users’ notifications or the history of Wi-Fi networks they have connected to, regardless of how the third party intends to use the data. Notification contents could expose two-factor authentication codes or private details, while Wi-Fi history could reveal where and how a user is spending their time. With no option for platforms to deny requests for sensitive user information, third parties may maliciously harvest and monetize data for their own gain, all while consumers remain unaware of risks. These overly broad interoperability mandates harm user privacy and could eventually erode trust in platforms,  hurting the market for all developers.

Japan’s competition law takes a narrower approach to interoperability access. The MSCA requires that requests remain “proportionate to the competition related problems at hand” and allows platforms to reject inappropriate data access attempts. Platforms can also reject requests from parties who are legally required to share collected data with foreign governments, keeping user data safe. These measures mean that opportunities for interoperability, which benefit users, can remain in place, while those that exploit them are rejected.  

Innovation and Intellectual Property

Governments also need to balance their desire to encourage competition with the need to incentivize innovation. Requiring platforms to share features or access with competitors can provide users more choice, but it also weakens the returns from research and development. This can lead to stagnation as companies find themselves unwilling to invest in innovation. In designing competition regulation, policymakers are forced to make a choice about how to strike this balance, and the DMA and MSCA represent meaningfully different answers with real consequences for users.

The DMA’s “interoperability by design” approach means that platforms are often required to share features and IP with third parties without compensation, including early notice about coming updates. This gives competitors valuable insight into platforms’ future plans, and introduces significant costs for platforms to make new systems and features compatible while competitors’ development costs are effectively subsidized. 

These misaligned incentives mean that platforms may withhold or delay new features, leading to a worse experience for users. Recently, Apple has delayed iOS features like Live Translation or withheld others like iPhone Mirroring entirely in Europe as a result of the DMA. Apple argues that because of concerns over privacy and compliance with interoperability requirements, such delays are likely to continue. Today, European users have a limited product compared to their international counterparts, not due to technical limitations but because of the high costs of legislative compliance.

Japan’s “proportional interoperability” approach is narrower and contains protections for “legitimate exercise of intellectual property rights,” including the ability for platforms to charge for interoperability access. Platforms maintain the right to evaluate whether to implement interoperability access on some features, allowing them to more effectively use resources and preserving incentives for R&D investment. Tellingly, Japanese users have so far not faced the same feature delays or limitations that European users have. The results show that the MSCA’s proportional approach can still address genuine competition concerns without severely damaging incentives for innovation.

Conclusion

The DMA and MSCA present two significantly different approaches to increasing competition in the smartphone ecosystem. The DMA’s hardline, no-exceptions approach has lofty ambitions, but has already led to negative tradeoffs for consumers, including reduced protections for minors, privacy risks with interoperability, and delayed features. While the full impact of the still-young MSCA remains to be seen, its moderate approach appears poised to avoid the same pitfalls that have hampered the DMA to date. 

As both laws mature and their impacts are fully understood, the comparative outcomes will be instructive for policymakers around the world considering similar legislation. Effective competition policy should expand user choice without major sacrifices to security, privacy, or other protections that users value, and Japan’s efforts show this balance is achievable.

Manno for Real Clear Education: The College Accreditation Makeover

The typically sedate college accreditation process is a battleground in America’s higher education culture war. That’s because accreditation isn’t just a gold seal on a college website. It’s the switch that turns federal student aid on and off.

Lose it, and the spigot of Pell Grants and federal student loans can close. For many institutions, especially those serving high-need students, that’s an existential problem. So in practice, accreditation functions as one of the most powerful levers in American higher education.

That’s why a process Americans rarely know anything about has become a consequential policy fight in higher education. The gatekeeper to federal money has stepped into the spotlight, pulled there by politics, a growing insistence on measurable outcomes, and a federal approach that treats accreditation less like a closed guild and more like a marketplace.

Read more in Real Clear Education. 

PPI Finds Latino Families Bear Disproportionate Burden from High Energy Costs

WASHINGTON — Latino families across the United States are disproportionately affected by high energy costs, according to a new report from the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI). The study, “Working Latinos Need Relief from High Energy Costs,” finds that Latino households are nearly twice as likely as white households to experience energy insecurity, defined as difficulty affording energy or maintaining a safe household temperature.

Authored by Elan Sykes, Director of Energy and Climate Policy at PPI, the report highlights how infrastructure gaps, outdated housing, and inefficient appliances drive up energy burdens for working-class Latino communities in both urban and suburban areas. Using case studies from Los Angeles and Boston, the analysis reveals that Latino-majority neighborhoods often lack access to clean, affordable energy due to slow permitting processes and underinvestment in modern grid infrastructure.

“Energy policy too often ignores the daily struggles of working families,” said Sykes. “While many Latino Americans support clean energy, they make decisions based on cost, and current policies leave them paying more for less.”

PPI’s report argues for a shift in environmental justice priorities to include cost, access, and infrastructure alongside climate concerns. The study offers a forward-looking blueprint for energy fairness, including:

  • A balanced, technology-neutral energy mix including renewables, nuclear, and low-methane natural gas
  • Expedited permitting reforms to accelerate grid and pipeline upgrades.
  • Expansion of federal assistance programs like the Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP) and the Weatherization Assistance Program (WAP)
  • Creation of local Community Energy Hubs to connect residents with information and support
  • Neighborhood investment in energy-efficient housing, tree cover, and transit options
The report also criticizes overly restrictive policies that delay or block infrastructure needed for grid reliability, noting that opposition to new substations and pipelines has often left low-income neighborhoods with higher bills and more pollution.

“For Latino Americans, cost of living is a top priority. Any successful climate strategy must recognize that affordability is essential to sustainability,” said Sykes.

PPI polling shows that 69% of working-class Latino respondents base energy decisions on cost, not carbon footprint, underscoring the need for pragmatic solutions that deliver both economic and environmental benefits.

Read and download the report here.

Founded in 1989, PPI is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Find an expert and learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.org. Follow us @ppi.

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Media Contact: Ian OKeefe – iokeefe@ppionline.org

Working Latinos Need Relief from High Energy Costs: Data by State

In the scatter plots for each state, every panel reflects the relationship between the Latino population and energy burdens in one Congressional District in that state. Within each district’s panel, one dot represents each census tract in that district. The slope of each panel’s light blue line reflects the correlation between a higher Hispanic population and higher energy burdens for that district, with its confidence interval shown in gray (so a wider gray shading represents a looser fit for that panel’s blue line). Then, each Congressional District in the states included in PPI’s reportWorking Latinos Need Relief from High Energy Costs is mapped such that the fill color of each census tract scales according to the energy burden as a percent of area median income or the proportion of Hispanic households as a share of the tract’s population.

This appendix uses data from the Department of Energy’s Low-income Energy Affordability Data (LEAD) tool collected through the Census Bureau. Importantly, these estimations are not causal and only reflect the statistical level of similarity between the two characteristics across the range of census tracts in each district. Additionally, the underlying data report values for energy burden calculated from area median income and average annual energy costs, and so do not capture varying levels of energy burden within each tract or microdata like individual household burden. Even though this correlation does not allow for direct causal claims, the simplicity of this comparison provides significant insight when paired with the entire PPI report.

Each state listed below links to a PDF with this data, in both English and Spanish:

Read the full report in English and Spanish.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Working Latinos Need Relief from High Energy Costs

Click here for State by State data.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The November 2025 off-year elections confirmed that the cost of living is still top of mind for U.S. voters. High energy costs, for example, figured prominently in contests in Virginia, New Jersey, and New York. The issue affects all Americans, of course, but puts especially heavy financial burdens on low-income and working-class communities. Many urban Latino families, for example, pay higher energy costs than more affluent surrounding neighborhoods. This report, the second in a series of PPI studies of energy insecurity in America, examines the reasons for this disparity.

It finds that Latinos are twice as likely as their white counterparts to experience energy insecurity. This connotes difficulty in accessing or paying for energy, the hard choices they face between paying fuel bills and meeting other pressing needs, and consequently, the higher risk of utility cut-offs. As PPI has previously documented, working-class Black neighborhoods also face higher energy burdens than surrounding suburbs. We believe these disparities deserve more attention from U.S. energy policymakers.

Building on our study of high energy burdens in Black neighborhoods in Boston, this report explores the same phenomenon in working-class Latino communities of Massachusetts, including Boston, as well as the city of Los Angeles. We identify the lack of modern energy grid and pipeline infrastructure to supply all neighborhoods with affordable and abundant energy as the main cause of greater energy insecurity for working-class Latinos in Massachusetts and California.

These findings pose a challenge to “environmental justice” activists. While rightly stressing the health and environmental risks of pollution in low-income and minority communities, they have failed to focus on the economic costs and opportunities — job growth, innovation, investment, lower prices — of a balanced clean energy transition. What residents of low-income communities want most of all isn’t reparations for past injustice but equal access to affordable and reliable energy.

Latinos constituted 19.5% of the population and 10% of voters in 2024.1 They vary widely in national origin, socioeconomic status, and geographic distribution. A combination of low but rising average incomes and education levels, historical discrimination in employment and housing markets, and the lack of adequate electricity and energy infrastructure mean that many working-class Latino families have lower incomes, less efficient homes and appliances, and higher energy bills than college-educated Americans living in affluent suburbs. Barriers in language, limited financial resources, and poor infrastructure access mean that climate policies like the Inflation Reduction Act provided much less help to energy-burdened minority communities.

In PPI’s polling of working Americans, Latino voters broadly support action against climate change and a shift to clean energy resources, but make their decisions about energy based on cost. For them, high fuel bills are central to the broader cost-of-living crisis facing working Americans. To assuage this concern, U.S. policymakers should embrace smarter climate and energy policies that don’t threaten them with immediate fossil fuel bans that produce energy scarcity and higher prices.

Our report concludes with the following policy recommendations for shaping a new compact with working Americans on climate and energy, and ensuring that Latino communities don’t get left further behind:

  • A Balanced, Technology-Neutral Approach: Instead of unpopular and premature fossil fuel bans, policymakers should support an energy mix of nuclear, renewables, batteries, carbon capture, utilization, and storage (CCUS), and low-methane natural gas to ensure both emissions reductions and affordable energy.
  • Permitting Reform to Accelerate Clean Energy Deployment: Congress and state governments should streamline approval processes for renewable energy projects, grid expansion, and pipeline infrastructure to lower costs and improve reliability.
  • Targeted Energy Assistance for Low-Income Families: Congress should expand and modernize programs like the Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP) and Weatherization Assistance Program (WAP) to better serve households struggling with high energy burdens.
  • Community Energy Hubs: Establishing local government centers where citizens can get information on energy efficiency, clean energy options, and financial assistance programs, modeled on Colorado’s resilience hubs and the federal government’s American Jobs Centers.
  • Affordable Housing and Improved Quality of Life: Many Latino households in urban, suburban, and rural communities across the country struggle to find affordable housing and are forced to settle for older, lower-quality housing options in polluted neighborhoods with inadequate power and clean water supplies.
  • Providing neighborhood amenities like trees, solar shading, strengthened electric distribution grids, and space for a variety of transportation modes would improve the quality of life for Hispanic families currently exposed to disproportionate pollution burdens and extreme weather in unaffordable or overcrowded homes.
    • Better Jobs, Indoors and Out: Many non-college Latinos hold outdoor jobs and jobs related to energy technologies, including construction, agriculture, and delivery logistics. As the American West is already feeling the impacts of climate change, giving firefighters the permits and resources they need to conduct proactive fire prevention measures would reduce health and climate impacts on outdoor workers and nearby cities. Offering guidance and technology incentives to protect against extreme heat exposure and other climate adaptation challenges to address problems relevant to workers’ daily lives.

Read the full report in English and Spanish.

PPI Urges FCC to Approve Amazon Leo’s Constellation Deployment Deadline Extension Request

WASHINGTON — Today, Mary Guenther, Head of Space Policy, and Diana Moss, VP and Director of Competition Policy, at the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) issued the following statement regarding Amazon Leo’s request for an extension from the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to deploy a satellite internet constellation.

“PPI urges the FCC to grant the request made today by Amazon Leo to extend the deadline for the company to deploy its satellite internet constellation. Injecting competition in satellite broadband service will enormously benefit American consumers.

“More competition in the domestic LEO satellite broadband is critical for meeting consumer broadband needs, keeping prices in check, and spurring quality and innovation. Consumers are excited about LEO satellite broadband and it is a key part of the solution to closing the digital divide. Amazon Leo is the only source of near-term competition in the U.S.

“To be sure, deadlines in the FCC licensing process are important to avoid spectrum ‘warehousing.’ However, Amazon Leo is clearly making good faith progress towards deploying their constellation as a service. It is expected to become available in some areas later this year. The company is launching regularly and complying with the intent of the FCC regulations.

“However, unlike competitors, Amazon Leo is dependent on external rocket launch services, which is likely part of the reason for their delay. Many of the launch companies Amazon Leo has contracts with have not been able to ramp up operations as quickly as anticipated. As PPI has previously noted, there is high demand for launch services and a limited number of rockets to fulfill that demand. It’s simply a market reality.”

Founded in 1989, PPI is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Find an expert and learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.org. Follow us @ppi.

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Media Contact: Ian OKeefe – iokeefe@ppionline.org

Kahlenberg in The Chronicle for Higher Education: Does American Studies Have a Credibility Problem?

[…]

In a new report from the Progressive Policy Institute, a liberal think tank, titled “The Distortion of American Studies,” Richard D. Kahlenberg and Lief Lin accuse the field of having “embraced a worldview as slanted as Donald Trump’s.”

They arrived at this conclusion by analyzing several recent years’ worth of the journal American Quarterly, an official publication of the American Studies Association (ASA) and the leading journal in its field. Their thesis is simple, and blunt: “Instead of providing a rich and varied collection of positive, critical, and mixed accounts of America’s history, literature, and culture, American Quarterly paints a one-sided and unrelentingly negative portrait.”

Kahlenberg and Lin substantiate this claim quantitatively. Of the 96 essays in their sample, 77 are critical of the United States; 19 are neutral; 0 are positive. They do not object to a critical posture per se. “When writing about slavery,” for example, “it is entirely appropriate that the article be highly critical of the United States.” But they are interested in the gestalt. A field that is disproportionately concerned with American sins at the expense of American virtues will not be able to tell us much about the world — about, for instance, why so many people want to come to the United States.

[…]

Read more in The Chronicle of Higher Education.

Manno for Washington Monthly: The Shrinking Space Between Home and Work

Americans often divide life into two settings: home and work. But life frequently involves the third-place informal gathering spots such as diners and coffee shops, bowling alleys and barbershops, church basements and library meeting rooms.

These third places, a term popularized by sociologist Ray Oldenburg in his 1989 book The Great Good Place, are crucibles of friendship, apprenticeships in citizenship, and the everyday practice of pluralism. It’s in keeping with the long American tradition of volunteer associations, acknowledged by observers from Alexis de Tocqueville to Robert Putnam (of Bowling Alone fame). Sadly, we use them less; now, we need them most. Our New Year’s resolution for 2026 should include a simple but demanding commitment: to reinvigorate third places in our communities—and their presence in our own lives.

Read more in Washington Monthly. 

Moss in Los Angeles Times: Why California’s fight over ticket fraud has become a proxy war against Ticketmaster and Live Nation

[…]

Critics find that the surge of anti-speculative ticketing bills around the country is a way for Ticketmaster to divert attention from its own legal troubles and shift attention onto the resale market. Live Nation is a key supporter of the California bill. Diana Moss, the director of competition policy at the Progressive Policy Institute, called AB 1349 “overkill” when it comes to the provisions and restrictions it places on the secondary market.

“A lot of these bills in the states are a vehicle to disable the resale markets and hinder how they operate. Resale markets are important to consumers,” said Moss. “If you disable the resale market, then fans have no place to go — but back to Ticketmaster. That’s the whole game, disable the resale markets with legislation and regulation, and then everybody has to go back and deal with Ticketmaster and pay their monopoly ticket fees.”

[…]

Read more in The Los Angeles Times. 

The Pro-Growth Tax Reform Hidden Inside a Fiscal Trainwreck

Six months after the One Big Beautiful Bill Act was signed into law, the country is already beginning to feel its consequences. Cuts to state-administered programs like Medicaid and SNAP have left massive holes in state budgets, forcing cuts to important programs. Meanwhile, the law’s tax cuts have kept deficits near record highs, leading to stubbornly high inflation. But tucked within this regressive and fiscally irresponsible tax law, there is one change that will benefit everyone. This provision, known as full expensing, will reduce our tax code’s penalty on business investment and lead to heightened economic growth.

In America, corporations are taxed based on their profits, meaning companies may deduct most business expenses from their taxable income every year.  Historically, however, the corporate tax code included one major exception. When companies invested in long-lived assets — such as vehicles, machinery, or computers — they were required to spread deductions over several years, rather than immediately deducting the full cost. Because a tax deduction received in the future is worth less in inflation-adjusted terms than one received today, this feature of the tax code effectively penalizes investment. In some cases, the penalty was extreme — businesses had to wait 39 years to fully deduct spending on some classes of investment, for example, reducing the real value of the deduction by over half.

To eliminate this bias against productivity-enhancing investment, the One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA) added new permanent full expensing provisions for most business investments, including research and development, and allows businesses to now immediately deduct the cost of many of their capital investments. It also temporarily extended full expensing to manufacturing structures like factories, though the provision is set to expire in 2031. In the long run, the bill’s permanent expensing provisions account roughly for just 5% of its projected cost. Yet their economic impact could be substantial: one analysis estimates that the changes could increase America’s economic output by more than $200 billion per year.

Unfortunately, however, much of full expensing’s benefits will be offset by the rest of the Republican tax bill’s provisions, which will severely damage our economy. The majority of the law’s tax cuts were spent on needless giveaways to wealthy Americans and special interest groups. These costly provisions left limited space for pro-growth reforms, so full expensing for most physical structures was excluded from the final law. Worst of all, Congress refused to pay for the law’s multitrillion-dollar price tag, which is projected to increase our national debt by 50% of GDP over the next 30 years. This debt burden will lead to higher inflation and lower economic growth, which will completely crowd out and overtake full expensing’s economic benefits.

Both policymakers and Americans might wonder why they should care about a tax penalty placed on profitable corporations; some progressive Democrats even oppose full expensing as a windfall for wealthy corporations. But this critique overlooks that business’s investment decisions don’t just impact shareholders — they affect the entire economy. When profitable firms reinvest earnings in new capital, they expand production, raise worker productivity, and support job creation. Over time, these gains all translate to higher living standards, increased wages, and more opportunities for American workers. By contrast, when the tax code discourages investment, firms are more likely to return profits to shareholders, a choice that does little to improve wages or economic opportunity for most Americans.

So how can lawmakers build on the success of full expensing, while also addressing the GOP tax bill’s economic harm? Comprehensive reforms to the corporate tax code, outlined in PPI’s 2024 budget blueprint, would allow it to raise more revenue from profitable companies without compromising economic growth. To start, Congress should expand pro-growth full expensing by permanently enabling it for physical structures, which would promote investments in housing, factories, and more.

It should also prioritize paying for not only new expensing provisions, but the mountain of spending it has already piled onto the national debt. Phasing out inefficient tax expenditures and loopholes such as the deduction for interest on corporate debt, the corporate state and local tax deduction, and more would be a promising start. To increase revenue even further, it should also raise the corporate tax rate from 21% to 25%, closer to the average rate in the developed world.

Lawmakers across the political spectrum should agree: America needs a corporate tax code that raises more revenue without sacrificing economic growth. Building on existing full-expensing provisions to encourage investment, while pursuing other tax reforms to offset the cost, would move our tax code decisively in that direction.

Canter in The St. Louis American: Missouri test scores expose achievement gap

[…]

Rachel Canter, founder and former longtime executive director of Mississippi First, said states must be honest about the depth of learning loss and declining achievement — trends she noted predated the COVID-19 pandemic.

“It’s been six years since the pandemic, and student outcomes are still not where they should be,” Canter said. “And to be honest, we were already on the decline before COVID.”

Canter argued that meaningful improvement depends on revisiting foundational education policies.

“What is the standard of expectation?” she said. “Is the bar high enough? Are we being transparent with the data, and are we truly using accountability to improve student learning?”

[…]

Read more in The St. Louis American. 

Jacoby for Washington Monthly: Putin’s Energy Blitzkrieg is Backfiring

“Wait ‘til it gets cold—really cold, Ukrainian cold,” a friend warned when I arrived in Kyiv in 2022. I didn’t know what he meant until this year—recent winters here, like almost everywhere, have been relatively mild. But 2026 is a throwback: it’s been snowing off and on for weeks, and temperatures, at their lowest in years, are hovering between 5 and 15 degrees Fahrenheit, and colder at night. Vladimir Putin is trying to weaponize the frigid weather with huge drone and missile strikes every few days, knocking out heat, water, and electricity in Kyiv and other cities. But if his goal is to freeze Ukrainians into submission, breaking their will, it isn’t working. If anything, they are more determined to resist.

Russia has been targeting Ukraine’s energy infrastructure since winter 2022. But this year is different—not just the weather, but also the scale and ferocity of Putin’s attacks. The bombardments escalated in December, and after nearly two months, they have come to seem a way of life. In Kyiv, there are air alerts virtually every night, punctuated every few days by a particularly savage attack. On January 9, Moscow launched 242 drones and 36 missiles, knocking out electricity across 70 percent of Ukraine’s capital and leaving some 6,000 apartment buildings without heat. The January 20 assault of 339 drones and 34 rockets included a Zircon hypersonic missile designed to destroy a warship. January 23 brought another 375 drones and 21 missiles, including another dreaded Zircon.

Ukrainian energy companies and attacking Russians play a macabre game of cat-and-mouse. After each assault, the companies scramble to repair the damage, often completing the task only to have the enemy strike again. On the morning of January 23, Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko announced that two-thirds of the damage from the previous bombardment had been repaired, leaving fewer than 2,000 buildings without heat. By the next morning, the tally again approached 6,000—roughly half the city’s housing stock, in many cases buildings that been without heat the week before.

Read more in Washington Monthly. 

The U.S. lost 20,000 scientific research jobs last year

FACT: The U.S. lost 20,000 scientific research jobs last year.

THE NUMBERS: Real-dollar growth in R&D spending, 2020-2023* –

World known $400 billion
China $173 billion
United States   $93 billion
Western Europe**   $55 billion
Japan/Korea/Taiwan   $55 billion
All other known***   $24 billion

* PPP basis, constant 2020 dollars. OECD Research and Development Indicators database
** 27 EU members, the United Kingdom, Switzerland, Norway, and Iceland.
*** Australia, New Zealand, Israel, Turkey, Costa Rica, Chile, Colombia, Argentina, Russia, Singapore, South Africa. OECD’s database does not include ASEAN members other than Singapore, the Middle East other than Israel, Africa other than South Africa, and Latin America/Caribbean apart from the four above.

WHAT THEY MEAN: 

Headline from trade journal R&D World’s 2025 forecast:

“The question is no longer if China will surpass U.S. R&D spending, but what happens next. R&D World’s 2025 Global Funding Forecast projects China reaching effective parity with the U.S. this year ($1.05T versus $1.07T in PPP terms), with a full crossover expected by 2026.”

Background:

The post-COVID pandemic years were good ones for American science. Research investment stats take a few years to work out, but the National Science Foundation estimates that in 2023 Americans spent $923 billion on research and development — the world’s highest figure by about $100 billion, and up (without adjusting for inflation) from $730 billion in 2020. This was 3.45% of American GDP, tied with Japan for the world’s fifth-highest total and behind only Israel, Korea, Taiwan, and Sweden. Employment figures are more up-to-date, and show that from December 2020 to December 2024, America’s count of working scientists rose from 788,000 to 941,000 — over 150,000, raising the total by 20%. Altogether, Americans interested in mRNA vaccines, artificial intelligence, next-generation space telescopes, autonomous cars and planes, agricultural bee vectoring, etc., could feel proud of national accomplishment and excited about the future.

The U.S. isn’t alone, of course. The OECD tries to tally spending by country, and then to convert the yuan, euros, yen, won, pounds, etc., into dollar equivalents. Their count isn’t complete — it misses India, Brazil, and generally most large developing countries — but it probably gets most of the world’s science. They find R&D investment growing by about $400 billion from 2020 through 2023. Currency conversions and inflation adjustments mean you should read these figures more as approximations than precise comparisons, and likewise, “amount of money spent” isn’t identical to “actual scientific progress”. But they’re still pretty striking:

2020 2023 Real-dollar Growth
World known $2.4 trillion $2.8 trillion $400 billion
U.S. $730 billion $823 billion   $93 billion
China $608 billion $781 billion $173 billion
Western Europe $582 billion $637 billion   $55 billion
Japan/Korea/Taiwan $333 billion $388 billion   $55 billion
All other known $147 billion $171 billion   $24 billion

OECD, constant PPP-basis 2020 dollars.

In sum, despite the U.S.’s pretty big push, China by itself accounted for nearly half of all world R&D growth. In the abstract, competition among leading economies to put more money into research and invent more new things — whether for national prestige, for wealth and economic growth, or a better understanding of nature and broadly shared human progress — can be a net good. The startlingly fast growth in Chinese R&D, in this sense, might be a spur for Americans to try harder. But in fact, something quite different is happening.

American private-sector research remains strong. The government’s contribution doesn’t. The Trump administration’s first year brought large-scale firing of government scientists, a shrinking total science workforce, and attempts to “institutionalize” this for the future. This began with chaotic purges of science-agency talent and research-contract cancellations during the “Department of Government Efficiency” debacle — the U.S. Geological Survey and the National Air and Space Administration staff cut by a fifth, the Centers for Disease Control by a third, the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration by a sixth; $2.6 billion in National Institutes of Health and $1.6 billion in National Science Foundation awards contracts canceled — and has been followed up with a more systematic attempt to disinvest from science.

Last September, the venerable American Association for the Advancement of Science reported that, altogether, the administration planned to cut federal R&D support from $197.5 billion in FY2025 to $154.0 billion in FY2026. Whether in percentages or total dollars, this would be the largest science budget cut ever — probably large enough all by itself, assuming Chinese growth has continued, to fulfil R&D World’s prediction and push the United States down into second place. Private-sector research can’t really compensate for this, as government programs weigh more toward basic research, which lacks immediate commercial return — space exploration in the 1960s, the invention of computer networks in the 1970s — but sometimes have very large long-term payoff. And in any case, the Bureau of Labor Statistics’ job tallies indicate that private-sector science may be following the government down. Its count of working scientists fell by 20,000 last year, the first net loss in a decade:

December 2025 921,000
December 2024 941,000
December 2023 934,000
December 2022 913,000
December 2021 860,000
December 2020 788,000
December 2015 672,000

OECD, constant PPP-basis 2020 dollars.

Different policies might bring some of them back. But looking further ahead, drastic slowdowns in legal immigration, presaged in this month’s decision to stop processing immigrant visas for 75 countries, would mean a structurally smaller American talent pool. The National Science Foundation reports that a quarter of American scientists, engineers, and lab techs were born abroad, including nearly 60% of the doctorate-level mathematicians, computer scientists, and engineers.

As they say, sometimes decline is a choice. But:

The Trump administration’s fecklessness doesn’t have to be “America’s choice.” At least in budgeting, the administration’s declining overall reputation appears to have emboldened Congress to reclaim its Constitutional role as the arbiter of spending. Without diving too deeply into arcane appropriations jargon — budget authority, outlays and obligation, FTEs, omnibus and minibus, etc. — Congress two weeks ago passed the “Commerce, Justice, and Science Appropriations” bill, which funds the National Science Foundation (NSF), National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA. This restored nearly all the science investment Mr. Trump’s clan wanted to cut, and bars agencies from moving money from science to non-science offices. AAAS’s current tally foresees a cut of 3.6%, as against the nearly 25% it foresaw last summer. A pretty big step, though the bills funding the two agencies that comprise about 77% of all of the federal government’s RD funding — the Department of Defense and the badly wounded Department of Health and Human Services — aren’t yet done. Good start. Lots more to fix.

FURTHER READING

PPI’s four principles for response to tariffs and economic isolationism:

  • Defend the Constitution and oppose rule by decree;
  • Connect tariff policy to growth, work, prices and family budgets, and living standards;
  • Stand by America’s neighbors and allies;
  • Offer a positive alternative.

The way it ought to be:

Vannevar Bush’s 1945 report to the Truman administration, The Endless Frontier, makes the classic case for public commitment to science.

PPI’s Paying for Progress (2024), from PPI Vice President for Policy Development Ben Ritz and Laura Duffy, offers a comprehensive budget vision proposing — among lots else — much larger R&D investment and much lower tariff rates.

The way it is: 

The American Association for the Advancement of Science reports (July 2025) on Trump
administration’s science budget cuts.

Ritz and PPI Policy Analyst Alex Kilander on R&D budgeting (March 2025).

PPI Director of Health Care Policy Alix Ware on the implications for medical research and cancer treatments. (May 2025)

And back to AAAS for a more recent, and more hopeful, dashboard tracking Congressional appropriations. (January 2026)

Country comparisons

The National Science Foundation on R&D spending by country.

OECD’s Main Science and Technology Indicators.

AAAS compares the U.S., China, and the world.

And R&D World predicts that China will be the world’s top researcher in 2026.

And American Talent:

NSF on the U.S. sci/tech workforce – places, demographics, diversity, education, etc.

The Institute for International Education counts international students. In the 2024/25 academic year, 217,000 international students were studying engineering in U.S. universities, 305,000 in math and computer science, and 96,000 in physical and life sciences.

Read the full email and sign up for the Trade Fact of the Week.

Manno for The 74: Dual Enrollment Is a School Choice Option People Don’t Talk About — but Should

National School Choice Week typically highlights the options available to families when selecting a school, including district, charter, private and homeschool. But there’s another form of choice that rarely gets the spotlight.

It’s a choice about what you study, who teaches it and how fast you can move from high school to a credential and a career. That hidden-in-plain-sight choice is dual enrollment — high school students taking college courses for credit.

National School Choice Week is an opportunity to point out that dual enrollment is one of the largest and fastest-growing forms of public school choice in America. It’s a school choice growth story that no one’s talking about.

The National Student Clearinghouse Research Center recently reported a modest increase in college undergraduate enrollment in fall 2025 — about 1%, driven by a 3% increase in community college enrollment. Buried inside those headlines is a key driver of that community college growth.

Read more in The 74.

Ritz for Democracy: A Journal of Ideas: Wealth Taxes Are a Dangerous Distraction

In a written debate for Democracy, a Journal of Ideas, PPI’s Ben Ritz debates the question: should billionaires exist? In his responses, Ritz argues for a pragmatic approach to reduce inequality in America, rather than a large wealth tax designed to tax billionaires out of existence.

Ritz acknowledges that inequality is a major problem in America, and that we need new laws to prevent wealthy Americans from wielding unfair political influence. But he also stresses that billionaires are not responsible for every problem in American society, as his opponents all but assert. By blaming billionaires for issues like climate change and housing affordability, activists distract from real solutions to those problems

Furthermore, implementing a wealth tax to combat inequality would have enormous unintended consequences. In countries where they have been tried, wealth taxes have been difficult to enforce, leading to astronomical rates of tax evasion. Furthermore, wealth taxes damage the economy by incentivizing wealthy Americans to spend down their fortunes, rather than investing in the American economy. These incentives would slow economic growth and reduce wages for working people across America

Instead of focusing on an unrealistic wealth tax, Ritz calls for real solutions to reduce inequality in America. He recommends that lawmakers raise the top tax rates for income and capital gains, close loopholes in the tax code, and implement a progressive inheritance tax to combat intergenerational wealth concentration. These pragmatic solutions would combat inequality, without destroying the economic system that made America one of the most prosperous countries in the world.

Read the full argument in Democracy.

Kahlenberg in The New York Times: Yale Offers Free Tuition to Families With Incomes Under $200,000

Richard Kahlenberg, director of the American Identity Project at the Progressive Policy Institute, said the effort was good not just for the country but also for Yale, because it will allow students from different walks of life to attend, increasing the range of viewpoints on campus as well as the range of backgrounds.

“Economic diversity can bring racial diversity in a way that’s perfectly legal,” he said. “So after the Supreme Court struck down the use of race, institutions like Yale had to find different ways to get racial diversity.”

Read more in The New York Times