Amid Trump economic debacle, Biden’s central message must be his plan for American recovery

President Donald Trump is desperate to make this campaign about anything other than the economic disaster his incompetence has largely caused. But Joe Biden can’t let him do it. Biden’s own robust economic recovery plans must become the Biden-Harris ticket’s key election message.

Just in the last two weeks, Trump has desperately invoked law and order, or federal approval of a non-existent vaccine, or the latest QAnon conspiracy theory — in short, anything but the sick economic elephant in the room.

And no wonder. More than 22 million Americans lost their jobs just in March and April as Donald Trump bungled the COVID crisis, but more than half of those jobs have yet to return. Job growth in July was less than half that of June. And the new August numbers out last Friday being touted by the administration in fact barely make a dent in this new structural unemployment. The actual unemployment rate may be closer to 9% due to misclassification, according to Bureau of Labor Statistics, andover 29 million people were receiving unemployment benefits as of mid-August.

Read the full piece here.

We should push for more progress in telehealth

Over the last few months, millions of Americans have used telehealth services — the remote delivery of care and health monitoring using digital telecommunications tools — to get health care. Federal and state policymakers have made it easier to access telehealth during the pandemic to keep people home and safe but there is no reason to slow the momentum after so much progress has been made.

Due to policy changes at the state and federal levels, the use of telehealth has grown faster in the past five months than in the preceding 25 years. During the COVID-19 pandemic:

Most of the current telehealth expansions are temporary and will expire with the end of the current public health emergency declaration. But they don’t need to. In fact, 39 senators from both sides of the aisle have introduced legislation that would make some of those changes permanent.

Read the full op-ed here.

Online Courses Cost Too Much—So Do Onsite Classes

After welcoming undergraduates back to campus, Notre Dame, Michigan State, and the University of North Carolina (among others), experienced outbreaks of COVID-19. The result—they switched back to remote learning. With 26,000 cases of coronavirus linked to college campuses, more will soon follow. While some of those schools will offer discounts for online courses, many others won’t. Is this fair?

Students don’t think so. In a recent survey, 93 percent of undergraduates said online tuition should be reduced. This result isn’t a surprise. Most of us equate “online” with “less expensive.” But while other industries have been able to cut prices taking advantage of technology and the Internet—colleges and universities (with the exception of massive online courses or MOOCs) typically charge the same for online and onsite courses. Why?

Read Paul’s full op-ed here.

The Trump Party’s war on reality

The perverse joke at the heart of so-called reality TV is that it is totally fake — full of cartoonish heroes and villains and contrived dramas. Just like pro wrestling, the Trump presidency, and this week’s Republican National Convention.

It was a slickly produced, flag-bedecked exercise in mass delusion. In the squalid, everyday reality of his presidency, Donald Trump is a fumbling, dissembling, chaotic mess of a “leader” whose MO is denying the nation’s most urgent problems and deflecting blame on others for his failure to manage them effectively.

In the spectacle of the last four nights, however, Trump was anointed America’s only hope for salvation. Speaker after speaker extolled a beaming Trump for his “decisive action” against COVID-19, an inversion of reality that would make George Orwell dizzy. In his acceptance speech last night, Trump lauded himself, with characteristic hyperbole, for having ordered an “unprecedented national mobilization” against the “China virus,” even as the United States leads the world in COVID-19 deaths and infections.

The week featured what you would expect from the Trump Party: a Niagara of lies about the fictitious evils stalking America — socialism, anarchy in the streets, a plot to abolish the suburbs, Chinese leaders who deliberately loosed a deadly disease on the world, the betrayal of U.S. workers and assaults on religion and gun rights, etc. — and about Trump’s supposedly heroic, solitary battles on behalf of embattled Americans who still love their country.

The most overtly bigoted president in modern U.S. history trotted out people of color to pay tribute to his color-blind compassion, and Trump shamelessly repeated his risible claim to have done more for Black Americans than any president since Abraham Lincoln.

In cult-like fashion, family members and administration flunkies parroted the Great Leader’s own talking points, such as his easily disproven claim that Trump had built the “greatest economy in world history” before the Chinese bushwacked him with the coronavirus. In the absence of a record of real accomplishments to run on, as Barack Obama said at the Democratic Convention, Trump just “makes stuff up.”

Read the full piece here.

Denier-in-chief: Trump, COVID and climate change

It is a tale of two worlds. In Real World, the COVID scourge continues to inflict massive human suffering and economic costs on the American people. More than 177,000 Americans have died. More than 5.7 million have been infected. These are by far the largest tolls in the world. No wonder the U.S. economy is now a basket case.

More than 22 million jobs were lost in April alone, and many more in March and May, yet only 42% of those jobs have returned. Even with so many jobless Americans waiting to go back to work, job growth has slowed with July employment less than half that of June, and August looking weaker still.

This is the worst job market since the Great Depression. Yet after more than almost nine months, the Trump administration still does not have a coherent or effective national COVID-19 strategy, and Senate Republicans went on vacation rather than pass unemployment extensions for millions of jobless Americans.

But as his convention continues, the president seems to reside in Trump World, a land of alternative facts where everything appears fine. Late last week, Trump called his presidency the “most successful period of time in the history of our country, from every standard” and said his administration has “demonstrated over the last four years the extraordinary gains that are possible.”

Meanwhile, this week heatwaves, wildfires and hurricanes, all made much worse by climate change, are devastating communities and making life unbearable for tens of millions of Americans across the country.

In California, a massive heatwave scientists say is exacerbated by climate change has led to 600 separate fires, including the second and third largest in state history, which have killed seven people thus far. More than one million acres have burned, three times the annual average, just in the last nine days. More than 100,000 people have been evacuated. Even as the coronavirus pandemic increases respiratory illness, air quality has been fouled for tens of millions across the West.

Read more here.

The Trump Party’s Festival of Fear

The 2020 Republican National Convention ostensibly opened last night, but few Republican leaders or ideas traditionally associated with the party were on display. Instead, viewers entered into the fevered world of the GOP’s replacement: the Trump Party.
Much of the show, naturally, featured Trump himself. Often his disembodied voice bellowed familiar slogans and boasts against a backdrop of American flags, syrupy music and canned applause. Especially cringeworthy were several scenes in which “ordinary Americans” gathered, maskless, around the Great Man himself, who beamed benignly as they heaped fulsome praise on his heroic services to America. “I am so in awe of your leadership,” gushed a woman who identified herself as a nurse.
The spectacle was a dreary reminder that the Trump Party inhabits an alternate political universe, constructed by Fox News –its Pravda — and other right-wing media, where life’s discomforting realities and complexities are not allowed to intrude. And despite Trump’s promises of a “positive” and hopeful convention, the dominant notes were fear and anger.
Although she wasn’t billed as such, the real keynoter of the night was Donald Trump, Jr.’s girlfriend, Kimberly Guilfoyle. She glowered and shouted her way through a long harangue against the Trump Party’s stock villains: socialists, the media, cancel culture, cosmopolitan elites, rioters and Democrats who “want to destroy our country.”
Some other takeaways from last night’s festival of fear:
  • Team Trump is deeply worried that voters will hold the president responsible for bungling the nation’s response to coronavirus pandemic. Much of the show was devoted to testimony from nurses and doctors attesting to Trump’s “decisive leadership” in combatting the virus. That was one of the night’s mantras, alongside the equally implausible claim that Trump had built “the greatest economy the world has ever known” before the pandemic.
  • Racially tinged cultural themes, especially law and order, will again be front and center. Speaker after speaker accused Democrats, falsely, of wanting to “defund the police.” Mark and Patricia McCloskey, the St. Louis couple charged with pointing a gun at protesters, warned that “your family will not be safe in the radical Democrats’ America.” For good measure, they accused Joe Biden and the Democrats of “encouraging anarchy and chaos on our streets,” scheming to deprive people of their gun rights and “abolish the suburbs by ending single family zoning.”
  • In lieu of a governing philosophy and agenda, the Trump Party has a laager mentality. It feels culturally besieged and is held together only by a visceral hatred of the “liberal” media, Democrats and what America is becoming – a multiethnic democracy no longer dominated by descendants of immigrants from northern Europe. It exists not to govern – the party didn’t even bother to produce a platform – but to keep its enemies from governing.
For progressives, the good news in all this is that the Trump Party has little interest in persuasion. It’s aiming its appeals at the dwindling ranks of white, blue collar voters who put Trump over the top – by an excruciatingly thin margin of 77,000 votes – in the Electoral College in 2016. It’s doubling down on intensifying a sense of white grievance to hold back the inexorable tide of America’s changing demography.

New Report Calls on Congress to Make Telehealth Reforms Permanent, Applauded by Bipartisan Pair of U.S. Senators

Contact: Carter Christensen, cchristensen@ppionline.org

WASHINGTON, D.C. – The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) has released a new white paper in partnership with Americans for Prosperity (AFP), calling on Congress to make telehealth reforms permanent amid and after the COVID-19 emergency — an unlikely partnership in a time of great need for innovation and leadership.

A bipartisan pair of Senators shared support of the findings of the new report — Sen. Roger Wicker (R-MS) and Sen. Brian Schatz (D-HI), have worked across party lines to advance telehealth across the country.

Sen. Brian Schatz (D-HI) said, “As this paper shows, telehealth is a rare area with strong bipartisan support and it’s here to stay. While we have made some progress in Congress on expanding access to telehealth during this pandemic, we have more work to do to make these changes permanent and allow more patients to continue receiving the critical health care they need wherever they are.”

Sen. Roger Wicker (R-MS) said, “It is refreshing to see two groups with such different perspectives come together to support greater access to telehealth. When Senator Schatz and I started our telehealth working group years ago, we chose to work on bipartisan policy that would improve access to health care and save lives. We will continue to work together to ensure Americans can enjoy the benefits of telehealth for years to come.”

Numerous citizen organizations are urging congressional leaders to make other temporary Medicare telehealth changes permanent, as are a growing number of lawmakers – including a bipartisan group of 29 U.S. senators.15 Meanwhile, numerous lawmakers have introduced legislation, including the bipartisan CONNECT for Health Act, which would grant CMS standing authority to make a number of positive changes on a permanent basis.16

Here are the specific policies that AFP and PPI recommend Congress make permanent:

• Continue allowing patients to use telehealth outside of rural areas and at home.

• Continue allowing providers to deliver care to both established and new patients.

• Continue allowing licensed providers to practice across state lines.

• Continue allowing health care providers to use store-and-forward technologies where medically appropriate.

• Do not impose payment parity for telehealth services versus those provided in person.

The Promise of Telehealth Beyond the Emergency

In the past few months, millions of Americans have experienced a first, tantalizing glimpse of the promise of telehealth.1

The use of telehealth – the remote delivery of care and monitoring of patients’ health using digital telecommunications tools – has surged during the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic, as policymakers and insurers across the country have eased restrictions on these tools in order to slow the spread of the novel coronavirus, for which humans have no immunity. Digital encounters can help people avoid unnecessary in-person contacts and receive care at home instead of a potentially overwhelmed hospital or clinic.

As a result of numerous policy changes at the state and federal levels, the use of telehealth has grown faster in the past five months than in the preceding 25 years. During this time:

• Nationally, nearly one in two consumers have used telehealth to replace a cancelled in-person appointment.2

• More than 11.3 million Medicare enrollees have accessed care from the comfort and safety of their own homes, up from nearly zero the year before.3

• American veterans have availed themselves of 1.1 million telehealth visits through the Veterans Administration.4

Most of the current telehealth expansions are temporary and will expire with the end of the current public health emergency declaration.5 A key question arises: Should the reforms be made permanent?

Although our two organizations differ on many health policy issues, on this question we agree. The current, temporary telehealth reforms are good for patients and should be made permanent.

In this paper, we will explain why we think telehealth is valuable and give a high-level overview of the recent policy changes. We’ll also explain why the adoption of telehealth has been slow until now and identify reforms we believe should be made permanent. Finally, we’ll recommend additional policy changes that could help further promote the promise of telehealth. Our hope is that our writing this paper together will persuade state and federal policymakers to make that promise a reality for patients.

SECTION 01

Why is telehealth valuable?

Telehealth can save time, money, and most importantly lives. Studies show that digitally delivered care typically costs only about half of the cost of services provided in doctors’ offices and urgent care clinics6 and can dramatically reduce unnecessary emergency room trips for patients with chronic conditions.7

On a more personal level, the promise of telehealth takes many forms. To access health care conveniently from the comfort of home, for example, or to have one’s vital signs monitored remotely in real time, to check in with a doctor or nurse with a question without having to take time off work, or to send a photo or email to your doctor for review and go on about your business – these are just some of the ways in which modern telecommunications tools can make life better for people.

Real-time forms of care, such as two-way video, can obviously help slow a contagion by reducing personal contact. But asynchronous forms of care, such as recorded video and so-called store-and-forward systems, can also be very helpful, especially when a matter is non-urgent. For example, in ophthalmology, people may have a question about a prescription lens renewal. Or in dermatology, they might want to have a rash or mole examined at the provider’s convenience.

The real question is not whether telehealth is valuable, but why it isn’t already a standard feature of modern medicine.

SECTION 02

Why has telehealth adoption been slow until now?

Until this year, America has been slow to adopt telehealth. Although private payers have been quicker than public payers to cover telehealth services, overall adoption has been modest. Why? Primarily because of barriers erected by various stakeholders, often in the name of assuring quality and safety for patients. This has been done despite a growing body of evidence that telehealth improves clinical outcomes.8

For example, the substitution of digital tools for in-person care has long faced skepticism from private insurers and Medicare, as well as some state regulators, who fear widespread adoption will lead to overutilization and fraud. Some physician groups, too, have feared it could disrupt existing practice patterns and have a negative effect on their members’ incomes.

At the same time, state professional licensure laws have limited the provision of remote care by health professionals licensed out-of-state.

Admittedly, until this year patients do not seem to have been clamoring for access to telehealth. But with the pandemic, that appears to be changing. While an April 2020 survey found that just 32 percent of Americans had ever used a telehealth service, by May that number had risen to 44 percent, with 80 percent of Americans agreeing with the statement that Covid-19 had made telehealth “an indispensable part” of the healthcare system.9 Sixty-five percent said they believe they will use telehealth services after the pandemic is over.10

SECTION 03

What policy changes have been made in recent months?

Federal Actions:  In non-emergency times, Medicare’s ability to expand coverage to telehealth is quite limited. Services may only originate from inside an officially designated rural health professional shortage area, and from a statutorily allowed setting, which with very limited exceptions does not include the patient’s home. There are rules limiting what types of providers may deliver telehealth services, and requiring that telehealth be delivered by a real-time, two-way, audio-video connection. Other technologies, such as audio-only telephone calls and secure private emails, are not covered. Neither are asynchronous (store-and-forward) tools or remote monitoring of patients’ vital signs. On top of all this, the patient must have a prior existing relationship with the provider before he or she can use telehealth with that provider.11

In late January of this year, after the federal Department of Health and Human Services officially declared the spread of Covid-19 to be a public health emergency and Congress provided authority to waive statutory restrictions on telehealth during the pandemic, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) used those emergency powers to dramatically expand the telehealth services covered by Medicare and the digital platforms that may be used to provide care via telehealth. The agency also increased the amounts paid for telehealth visits and allowed providers to bill for services provided across state lines. Medicare officials also doubled the list of telehealth-provided services that Medicare will cover, including therapy services, emergency department visits, initial nursing facility and discharge visits, and home visits outside of rural shortage areas.12

Under the CARES Act, Congress liberalized the statute governing health savings accounts (HSAs) to allow patients to receive first-dollar coverage of telehealth services (meaning without having to first meet a deductible) through the end of 2021.13

State actions: Prior to the pandemic, almost all state Medicaid programs covered some telehealth services provided via live video; otherwise, state laws on telehealth varied dramatically. When the pandemic struck, all states eased at least some restrictions on telehealth, and 48 of them temporarily reduced some or all of their licensing requirements for out-of-state health care providers, making it easier for providers to treat patients across state lines. A couple of noteworthy examples: 1) Maryland expanded the state’s definition of telehealth to include audio-only and store-and-forward technology – affecting all payers in the state, not just the Medicaid program. 2) New Hampshire permanently expanded telehealth benefits to all of its Medicaid recipients, not just underserved communities as had been allowed previously, and removed location limits on providers.

Private payer actions: Many private insurers increased their coverage and reimbursement rates for telehealth services. Humana, for example, is waiving all copays for tele-primary care and tele-behavioral health visits for its Medicare Advantage members. Furthermore, many private health plans are voluntarily mirroring the government’s policies, or even going beyond them. Some states (California, for example) are pressuring private insurers to expand telehealth coverage, while others require them to do so.

Provider actions: Doctors and hospitals that have not previously offered telehealth services have been scrambling to adapt, both to make up for lost revenue as elective procedures have been put on hold and to safely maintain patient care. And some providers are restructuring their business models to make telehealth a permanent option for patients who pay out-ofpocket rather than through insurance.

SECTION 04

Which policy changes should remain in place?

As we’ve said, most of the recent policy changes are temporary. In light of the experience of the past few months, and the benefit to patients, it would be exceedingly odd to go back to the pre-Covid status quo. Happily, a consensus seems to be forming in favor of making those gains permanent. The Medicare agency has recently announced that it will make its newly added telehealth codes permanent, something it has the power to do under existing law, separate and apart from its temporary emergency powers.14 And numerous citizen organizations are urging congressional leaders to make other temporary Medicare telehealth changes permanent, as are a growing number of lawmakers – including a bipartisan group of 29 U.S. senators.15 Meanwhile, numerous lawmakers have introduced legislation, including the bipartisan CONNECT for Health Act, which would grant CMS standing authority to make a number of positive changes on a permanent basis.16

Here are the specific policies that we recommend Congress make permanent.

• Continue allowing patients to use telehealth outside of rural areas and at home.

• Continue allowing providers to deliver care to both established and new patients.

• Continue allowing licensed providers to practice across state lines. Because states typically require that providers must be licensed in the state where the patient is located, current law would require providers keep multiple active licenses in order to serve patients residing in other states. Though CMS has temporarily lifted these licensing rules for Medicare patients, after the Covid crisis passes federal legislation should empower providers to use their own location as the nexus in which care takes place for the purposes of payment – making treating patients across state lines more accessible.

Continue allowing health care providers to use store-and-forward technologies where medically appropriate.

Do not impose payment parity for telehealth services versus those provided in person. To encourage telehealth adoption and to ease the financial strain of the pandemic, Medicare is currently reimbursing health care providers for telehealth services as if provided in-person. This makes sense during a public health crisis where the goal is to encourage telehealth use, but at other time there’s little reason to peg remote rates to in-person rates. Part of the promise of telehealth is that it can reduce costs. For example, when care is provided remotely, providers don’t have to clean exam rooms, waiting rooms, and other spaces. Reimbursement should reflect these savings.

SECTION 05

Additional policies that would increase access:

We also recommend the following reforms that go beyond what Medicare has done to-date.

States, too, should allow health care providers to practice across state lines. Medical protectionism makes no sense in a digital age. Because professional licensure is primarily a state responsibility, states should remove licensing barriers that prevent out-of-state doctors and nurses from delivering care to in-state residents. States can do this unilaterally by automatically recognizing out-of-state licenses or by entering into multistate compacts, the members of which agree to recognize each other’s licenses.

Expand broadband access. Except for audio-only (telephone) visits, telehealth requires fast and reliable broadband internet access. Though Congress and the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) have funded such access through the Covid-19 Telehealth Program and the Rural Digital Opportunity Fund, broadband connectivity still lags in some parts of the country. Structural changes, like reducing the bureaucratic and regulatory obstacles to getting more providers involved, will help more people realize the potential of telehealth.

Study the outcomes. The Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) should use the change in health care delivery as an opportunity to analyze the effectiveness of telehealth. It is important to study the effects of recent changes on utilization, access, and costs to inform future policy making. However, Congress should not allow the appropriate desire for further study to stand in the way of quickly implementing reforms that expand patients’ access to telehealth services.

Remove barriers to affordable care. The ultimate goal of all health reform efforts should be to ensure that everyone has access to the high-quality health care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Telehealth can help with that, to be sure, but policy makers should also adopt sensible reforms that reduce costs and expand access to affordable care and coverage for everyone.

Conclusion

Widespread adoption of telehealth services during the Covid-19 pandemic has given millions of Americans their first real taste of the promise of telehealth. To be sure, there will always be a role for in-person care. And telehealth is not a panacea for the widely acknowledged failings of the U.S. health care system. But it is a very powerful tool, one that holds great promise to make life better for patients and especially for those who are elderly or infirm or who simply find in-person visits a challenge. But for that promise to become a reality, payers and policymakers must act. They must break down the regulatory and legal barriers that stand in the way of affordable, widespread access to telehealth. This is not a left-right issue. Our organizations stand together, ready to help America realize the promise of telehealth beyond the emergency.

 

This paper was written by Arielle Kane Director of Health Care, Progressive Policy Institute and Dean Clancy Senior Health Policy Fellow, Americans for Prosperity. 

The Covid-19 Crisis Shows Why We Need A National Resilience Council

The Progressive Policy Institute, where I serve as chief economic strategist, just put out a report entitled “Building American Resilience: A Roadmap for Recovery After COVID-19.” The report covers a wide range of topics, ranging from manufacturing (discussed below), to education, to health care, to small business, to metro area fiscal policy to the gig economy.

The report makes the argument that resilience—the ability to respond well to disruptive shocks such as pandemics, wars, and climate changes—is a public good that benefits everyone. Left to their own devices, private sector businesses will underinvest in resilience because they can’t capture all the benefits. Just to give an obvious example, no rational company would build an extra production line for N95 mask or mask material that isn’t needed in normal times, just on the off chance of a pandemic. Nor would a rational company invest in developing a process for making N95 masks faster and more cheaply.

Resilience rightly needs to be an explicit goal of public policy. That’s why the report advocates setting up a high-level National Resilience Council, tasked with identifying those industries and capabilities that are strategic, in the sense of improving the ability of the U.S. economy to deal with disruptive shocks. The National Resilience Council would certainly not be anti-trade, because globalization is often a good way to distribute risk. But it would follow a rigorous process of scrutinizing the reliance of the U.S. on foreign suppliers who might not be available in a crisis.

Read more here.

How to build American resilience

For Americans and much of the world, 2020 has been an annus horribilis. To contain the coronavirus pandemic, nations have been forced to order mass quarantines, freezing economic activity and social life. It likely will take decades to calculate the full human, economic and psychic costs of this still-unfolding global calamity.

Few countries have been spared the ravages of COVID-19, but no country has been hit harder than the United States. A quarter of the 20 million people the virus has infected globally are American, and at 165,000, our death toll is by far the world’s largest.

The plague has put the world’s biggest economy on life support. After shrinking by 5 percent in the first quarter of 2020, U.S. output plunged by nearly 10 percent in the second quarter. Since March, more than 42 million Americans have filed for unemployment, and as many as one in six (about 25 million) remain out of full-time work.

Amid this unprecedented public health and economic crisis an old American dilemma – racial injustice – has reared its head. The senseless killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and other Black Americans by police has triggered widespread public outrage and sometimes violent protests.

Intensifying all three of these shocks is a catastrophic failure of national leadership. In America’s past tribulations, extraordinary leaders have arisen to steer our republic through the storm. Not this time. President Trump has run the ship of state aground.

His incompetent handling of COVID-19 has prolonged the pandemic and pushed our economy to the brink of collapse. As demonstrations against police brutality and racial discrimination tear at the nation’s social fabric, Trump has displayed a perverse talent for inciting social rancor and pitting Americans against each other.

Now, with a crucial national election approaching this fall, Trump is trying to deny Americans the right to vote safely at home. He’s falsely crying fraud to undermine public confidence in the legitimacy of our electoral system.

No wonder Americans’ nerves are frayed. The impression grows, here and abroad, that our country is becoming a failed state.

But that’s wrong. The United States remains a resourceful and dynamic country capable of swift course corrections. Time and again, we’ve showed that a free people can bounce back from adversity stronger than before. Now it’s time to reinvent ourselves again.

Read the full piece here.

Statement on Joe Biden’s Selection of Kamala Harris as Running Mate

WASHINGTON, D.C. – The Progressive Policy Institute released the following statement on the selection of Kamala Harris as Joe Biden’s vice president.

“Joe Biden composed a strong field of candidates for the job, and in Sen. Kamala Harris, he has made a characteristically solid choice. In doing so, the presumptive nominee has balanced his ticket as Barack Obama balanced his, which is important given the Democratic Party’s mosaic of diversity. He has kept faith with the African American voters who turned his primary campaign around in South Carolina, and with women voters whose growing dissatisfaction with President Trump has propelled Biden into leads in national polling. And in the California Senator he has picked an experienced leader who could step into his shoes if necessary – and someone infinitely more fit to serve in the White House than its current occupant.

“Biden-Harris: it’s a formidable ticket that faithfully reflects the broad, Big Church coalition Democrats will need to evict Donald Trump and Mike Pence from the White House in November.”

Create Two Million New Businesses

Millions of America’s smallest businesses have been severely affected by the COVID-19 crisis. They’ve seen revenue evaporate and have been forced to lay off millions of workers. Over two million small businesses had simply disappeared by June 2020. The U.S. economy now finds itself in a deep hole, with millions of small businesses gone for good—and a dried-up pipeline of new business creation.

By the end of June, the American economy also was without tens of thousands of new “employer” businesses (those with employees) that normally would have been started. The pandemic and economic crisis have wreaked havoc on existing small businesses and the new start-ups that the economy depends on for job creation and innovation.

Meanwhile, the Trump administration’s implementation of the Paycheck Protection Program (PPP), authorized by Congress to provide billions in loan guarantees through the Small Business Administration (SBA), has been flawed. The Treasury department has provided insufficient, and constantly changing, guidance to lenders and businesses. The SBA’s own Inspector General found that the administration did not adhere to Congressional intent in deploying PPP funds.

Even before COVID-19, the Trump administration had proven itself incapable of inspiring entrepreneurial confidence. Business formation had trended steadily downward over the previous two years. According to a PPI analysis of Census Bureau data earlier this year, new business applications fell steadily from the middle of 2018, after rising more or less interrupted since 2012. Business applications that have a “high propensity” of turning into employer businesses had also fallen since the middle of 2018.

The picture gets worse the deeper you dig. The pandemic recession has disproportionately affected female, Black, and Latinx business owners. By April, the number of female-owned businesses had fallen by 25 percent (compared to 20 percent for male-owned businesses). The number of Black- and Latinx-owned businesses had shrunk by, respectively, 41 and 32 percent (compared to 17 percent for white-owned businesses).

These are astonishingly high losses and they come on top of a small business landscape already tilted against minorities and women. According to Census data, going into the crisis, Blacks owned just two percent of employer businesses in this country, despite comprising 13 percent of the population. Latinos and Latinas, making up 18 percent of the population, owned six percent of businesses. Male-owned businesses were larger and with higher revenues than female-owned businesses.

What’s needed now is a major national push to reinvigorate business creation and address underlying demographic disparities in business ownership. For women and minorities, when it comes to entrepreneurship, returning to the pre-crisis status quo is simply not an option. It shouldn’t be an option for the country, either. Greater business creation and ownership among women, Blacks, Latinx, and others will accelerate recovery and strengthen resilience.

Over the last 40 years, new businesses have, on average, created about six jobs per year, per company. If one million new Black and Latinx businesses opened (replacing the ones that have closed permanently) and were joined by half a million additional new businesses, we could see about nine million new jobs created. Not all these companies would survive—in the “normal” course of economic activity—but a significant subset of them would not only survive but also thrive. Young companies that survive and grow drive the lion’s share of net new job creation each year.

Public policy should seek to help stimulate new business creation and support the survival and growth of young businesses. The focus of this effort should be on women- and minority-owned businesses. Vice-President Joe Biden has proposed renewing the State Small Business Credit Initiative (SSBCI), an Obama-era program, to focus on these businesses. Evaluations of the SSBCI found positive effects in terms of investment and job creation, but a much larger effort is likely needed. The federal government has many tools at its disposal to be leveraged in support of new business formation and to aid specific types of entrepreneurs.

PPI believes the federal government should launch a National Start-Up Initiative that aims to spur creation of at least two million new businesses as our country recovers from the pandemic recession. It would include the following key actions:

  • Create a startup visa for founders of new companies. These would include foreign students graduating from a U.S. university, those transitioning out of Optional Practical Training, or any H1B visa-holder after three years. The foreign-born start companies at disproportionately high rates; encouraging them to do so would give a significant boost to overall business creation. This could be accompanied by incentives for business creation in specific geographic areas or neighborhoods.
  • Leverage federal research funding to reform technology commercialization processes at universities. America’s research universities are the best in the world at knowledge creation, yet their ability to turn knowledge into innovation and new companies has been declining. Many promising entrepreneurial ventures get stuck in bureaucratic processes. The federal government, which provides billions of dollars to support university research, should create new incentives for those institutions that devise more effective commercialization practices and generate new businesses for their communities.
  • Create a new “Start-Up Tax Credit” to encourage new businesses to grow into large businesses. Modeled on the Earned Income Tax Credit, the Startup Credit is designed to help these businesses avoid the scale-up trap unintentionally posed by tax breaks and regulatory exemptions for new enterprises. For example, businesses with fewer than 50 employees are exempt from the employer shared responsibility payment of the Affordable Care Act and providing unpaid leave. While these “carveouts” certainly help small businesses get off the ground, they impose an implicit tax when those companies grow past a certain threshold. The Startup Tax Credit would mitigate that tax.

As proposed by PPI economist Elliott Long, the Startup Tax Credit would be tied to the number of employees and payroll at a small business. Firms that have been operating for fewer than five years would be eligible for a credit equal to half the employer-side payroll tax they pay on their first 100 employees, up to a maximum credit of $1,200 per employee in 2020 (indexed to inflation). The proportion of payroll taxes offset by the credit and the maximum credit per employee would then gradually phase down as businesses grow until phasing out entirely once the business reaches 500 employees. PPI estimates this proposal would cost roughly $150 billion over 10 years.

  • PPI has also supported the New Business Preservation Act, introduced by Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-MN). This would allocate $2 billion in federal funding to match private investments in areas of the country bereft of startup equity investments.

These steps would help seed the ground for new business creation, just as our country needs to create millions of them to provide jobs to U.S. workers whose previous jobs vanished in the pandemic shutdown. They would also create conditions that would make America’s entrepreneurial culture more vibrant and resilient against future public emergencies of all kinds.

Building American Resilience: A Roadmap for Recovery After COVID-19

For Americans and much of the world, 2020 has been an annus horribilis. Following its outbreak in China late last year, the coronavirus has spread quickly across the main international travel and trade routes. To contain the pandemic, nations have been forced to order mass quarantines, freezing economic activity and social life. It likely will take decades to calculate the full human, economic and psychic costs of this still-unfolding global calamity.

Few countries have been spared the ravages of Covid-19, but no country has been hit harder than the United States. At this writing, coronavirus has killed more than 156,000 Americans, and infected more than 4.6 million. And with the pandemic spreading rapidly across the South, West and Midwest – 39 states report sharp increases in infections – the end is nowhere in sight.

Stay-at-home orders and social distancing have put the world’s biggest economy on life support. After shrinking by 5 percent in the first quarter of 2020, U.S. output plunged by nearly 10 percent in the second quarter. Since March, more than 42 million Americans have filed for unemployment and nearly 20 million are still out of work. As many as 40- percent of the virus-related layoffs could become permanent, according to a University of Chicago study.

Many small businesses have gone under, and millions more are treading water. “Data from credit-card processors suggest that roughly 30 percent of small businesses have shut down during the pandemic,” reports The Atlantic. And many large companies in sectors hit directly by social distancing – travel and tourism, restaurants and hotels, and brick and mortar retail – have announced layoffs and permanent workforce reductions.

The federal government has borrowed and spent prodigiously to combat the virus, put money in peoples’ pockets and keep the economy from cratering. Congress so far has passed three major relief bills and is wrestling over the scope of a fourth. Washington has spent $3 trillion and could be headed toward a staggering annual deficit of $5 trillion or more, the largest since World War II. Amid this unprecedented public health and economic crisis, an old American dilemma – racial injustice – has reared its head. The unconscionable killing of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and other black Americans by police has triggered widespread public outrage and protests.

THE CRISIS IN U.S. DEMOCRACY

Intensifying all three of these traumatic shocks is a catastrophic failure of national leadership. In past crises, leaders of extraordinary skill and character have arisen to steer our republic through the storm. Not this time. President Donald Trump has run the ship of state aground.

As the coronavirus first appeared, he sought refuge in denial and dissembling. When that did nothing to halt the spread of the virus, he passed the buck to governors and refused to mobilize the full powers of the federal government to supply tests, masks and ventilators, and to help the states set up rigorous contact tracing systems. Learning nothing from his early blunders, Trump has continued to dismiss the severity of the virus, tout phony cures, and demand premature openings of the economy and schools.

Trump’s incompetence cost our country precious weeks when the federal government should have been taking vigorous action to contain the pandemic. The delay was deadly: Had we started social distancing and locking down on March 1 rather than March 14, 54,000 fewer Americans would have died, according to disease modelers at Columbia University.

Elections really do matter. If the United States had elected leaders as capable as those in Germany, South Korea and Japan, many fewer Americans would be getting sick and dying today. And with contact tracing, masks and selective social distancing, we could keep more of our economy up and running.

As demonstrations against police brutality and racial discrimination flare up around the country, Trump again has displayed a perverse talent for inciting social rancor and pitting Americans against each other. He has smeared protesters as “domestic terrorists” and, over the protests of Mayors and Governors, dispatched unbadged federal security guards to put down the phantom threat of mass anarchy in the streets.

Finally, with a crucial national election approaching, Trump is trying to deny Americans the right to vote safely at home. He’s falsely crying fraud to undermine public confidence in the legitimacy of our electoral system, even to the point of issuing a preposterous call to postpone the vote.

No wonder America’s nerves are frayed. At this fateful moment of intersecting crises – threatening our health, prosperity and cultural cohesion – our country is saddled with a dishonest, incompetent and malicious demagogue who specializes in creating chaos rather than solving problems. Here and abroad, the impression is growing that America is becoming a failed state.

DON’T COUNT AMERICA OUT

But that’s wrong. For all our dilemmas, America remains a resourceful and dynamic country capable of swift course corrections. Beneath our fractious politics lies a bedrock of shared belief in liberty, equality and democracy. We also draw strength from a diverse and inventive citizenry jealous of its freedoms. Time and again, this country has shown it can bounce back from adversity stronger than before. Now we have to reinvent ourselves again.

Fortunately, there is a national election this fall. The American people can fire a sham president and his cowed GOP lackeys and replace them with genuine leaders who can unite us and make our democracy work.

But new leaders also need a new vision.
The United States has received a series of extraordinary shocks in this still-young century: the dot-com bust, 9/11, the great recession and financial meltdown of 2007-8, and now coronavirus, a hobbled economy and civil strife over endemic racism.

We’ve learned the hard way that our country needs stronger economic and social shock absorbers. Our challenge isn’t just to recover from the present crisis, but to build a better, more equitable democracy that will be more resilient against future shocks no one can foresee.

Americans have made enormous sacrifices to save lives and keep our health system and economy from collapsing. Many have stood by helplessly as friends and relatives have died lonely deaths in isolation. The psychological toll also has been heavy: Research by The Society for Human Resource Management finds that one in four workers report feeling either hopeless or depressed. If U.S. leaders don’t emerge from this painful period resolved to build a more just and resilient society, this suffering and sacrifice will have been in vain.

CONFRONTING ENTRENCHED INEQUITIES

The fight against Covid-19 has not been borne equally by all Americans. Health care and emergency workers and those in “essential” industries (such as meatpacking and grocery stores) have been exposed to higher risks of falling ill. The chief victims of Covid-19, by far, are older Americans. Thus far, 43 percent of deaths have been linked to nursing homes.

The pandemic also has taken a severe toll on low-income and minority communities, where many suffer from health problems associated with poverty and discrimination. African-Americans are dying from Covid-19 at a rate nearly twice as large as their share of the population. At this writing, blacks (13 percent of the U.S. population) account for 24 percent of all deaths.

The economic pain inflicted by the pandemic also has been unevenly distributed.

The lockdown, in fact, has exposed a new class divide in America. On one side are office workers, mostly college-educated, well-paid and digitally enabled, who have been able to keep working from home, and to have food and other goods delivered to them. On the other side are low-paid service, hospitality and retail workers, who can’t work remotely. Young workers, immigrants and Hispanic workers have been hit hardest by Covid-19 job losses.

Minority-owned businesses, often smaller and more precarious, have been damaged disproportionately by the pandemic. The National Bureau of Economic Research reports that, between February and April, there was a 41 percent decrease in black business owners and a 31 percent decrease in Latinx business owners, compared to an overall decline of 22 percent.

The pandemic also has exposed serious weaknesses in our private economy. Because of offshoring and long supply chains, for example, U.S. factories were unable to supply masks, gowns, gloves and ventilators in a timely way to health care workers desperately battling the virus.

Key public sector systems, long starved of investment and entangled in red tape, also have failed to respond nimbly to the crisis. Archaic computer systems in state Unemployment Insurance offices crashed as applications surged. The Center for Disease Control and Prevention, our front-line agency against pandemics, not only sent out flawed coronavirus tests, but also allowed bureaucratic inertia to delay the production of reliable tests by private laboratories.

Tens of millions of young children and older students have lost months of early learning and classroom instruction as schools of all kinds have closed. Some K-12 school systems used virtual learning to mitigate the loss, but many either did not have that capacity or chose not to use it to avoid discriminating against low-income families without computers or internet access.

Through the free and reduced price lunch and breakfast programs, public schools also play a critical role in feeding needy children. While some schools improvised “grab and go” programs to provide meals to kids, 80 percent report serving fewer meals, and only 22 percent offered meals two days a week. School closings thus have contributed to an upsurge in hunger in poor communities, even as they interrupt all childrens’ education.

A BOLD BLUEPRINT FOR RECOVERY AND RESILIENCE

In contrast to Trump’s “let’s get back to the way things were” message, progressive leaders should offer voters this fall an ambitious vision for America’s economic and social reconstruction. In this report, PPI presents a blueprint for speeding recovery and building a more resilient society. It tackles long-festering social inequities and bolsters the capacities of business and government to perform their vital missions during future pandemics or other national emergencies. Applying what we have learned during the Covid-19 crisis, our scholars and policy experts offer radically pragmatic ideas for change:

• Spur digital manufacturing in America and shorten supply chains for essential goods.

• Launch a “national reemployment” drive to get everyone back to work as soon as conditions allow, and to make work pay.

• Drive down the exorbitant cost of medical care so that we can invest more in healthy communities.

• Create well-paid production jobs and fight climate change by making America number one in electric vehicles.

• Make the social safety net more resilient.

• Forge a new economic security bargain with gig workers.

• Install a “fiscal switch” that allows Washington to automatically stimulate during economic downturns and shrink its debts during expansions.

• Give birth to two million new businesses to replace those that have gone under during the pandemic shutdown.

• Invest in resilient cities and metro regions.

• Fix America’s broken financing model for higher education. • Create a more nimble and accountable K-12 school system.

• Democratize capital ownership and expand national service.

• Replace outdated U.S. immigration laws with a “demand-driven” policy that welcomes more willing workers.

• Make our electoral democracy more resilient by ensuring that every citizen can vote at home.

Find each report of our series, Building American Resilience, below:

 

INTRODUCTION: BUILDING AMERICAN RESILIENCE

Will Marshall

SPUR DIGITAL MANUFACTURING IN AMERICA 

Michael Mandel

GET EVERYONE BACK TO WORK – AND MAKE WORK PAY 

Will Marshall

INVEST IN A HEALTHIER AMERICA 

Arielle Kane

MAKE AMERICA #1 IN ELECTRIC VEHICLES

Paul Bledsoe

WEAVE A STRONGER SAFETY NET POST-COVID 

Crystal Swann

MAKE THE GIG ECONOMY MORE RESILIENT

Alec Stapp, Michael Mandel

CREATE A “FISCAL SWITCH” TO MAKE OUR ECONOMY MORERESILIENT AGAINST RECESSIONS

Ben Ritz

CREATE TWO MILLION NEW BUSINESSES

Dane Stangler

INVEST IN METRO RECOVERY AND RESILIENCE

Crystal Swann

FIX HIGHER ED’S BROKEN MODEL

Paul Weinstein, Jr.

CREATE MORE INNOVATION SCHOOLS

David Osborne

DEMOCRATIZE CAPITAL OWNERSHIP 

Jason Gold

SHIFT TO “DEMAND DRIVEN” IMMIGRATION

Dane Stangler

MAKE ELECTORAL DEMOCRACY MORE RESILIENT

Colin Mortimer

Release: In Gig Economy Space, New Report Shines Light on Regulatory Improvements for Independent Workers

Independent workers face a dilemma where they cannot currently receive benefit payments from companies without risking their independent status.

WASHINGTON, D.C.A new report from the Progressive Policy Institute examines the possibility of creating a way to regulate platforms that would preserve the flexible nature of independent workers and the benefits to our economy at large while continuing to protect both workers and consumers. The flexibility of platforms will play a critical role in helping the U.S. labor market recover more quickly from the COVID recession.

The new report finds that companies that do business with independent workers can’t provide benefits because that would turn them into employees, an outcome that the overwhelming majority of these workers do not want. But independent workers providing benefits for themselves incur a much bigger tax burden than they would face as an employee.

Key findings from the report include:

  • According to a recent report from Edelman Research & Upwork, 51% of respondents said there is no amount of money where they would definitely take a traditional job; 
  • During recessions, unemployment insurance benefits received swell far out of proportion to taxes paid in, as the federal government typically appropriates more money to beef up unemployment insurance;
  • One estimate from the Berkeley Research Group concluded that switching the status of app-based drivers to full-time employees would reduce the number of drivers by 80 to 90 percent in California.

The new report identifies four prongs in which there is a ‘better way’ to revamp the current system tax treatment for independent workers: straighten out the current tax code, simplify the dividing line, apply a baseline level of benefits, and implement a cafeteria style plan.  

Straightening out the current tax code would require independent workers to deduct healthcare and retirement contributions from the earnings calculation for the self-employment tax. In order to simplify the dividing line, an independent worker would have to reach a certain number of hours contracting with a particular company or platform, then the worker would be entitled to a required set of tax-advantaged benefits.

To apply a baseline level of benefits, companies would be able to offer benefits to independent contractors without worrying that they would be reclassified as employees at either the state or federal level. The cafeteria plan would allow independent workers to choose from a variety of pre-tax benefits, including health insurance, paid time off, and retirement savings.

Policy recommendations include:

  • Construct a new regulatory framework that explicitly recognizes a middle ground of independent workers who can receive benefits from the (multiple) companies they contract with;
  • Straighten out the tax treatment of benefits so that independent workers are on a level playing field with employees;
  • Require a baseline level of benefits and protections for independent workers, including a cafeteria style plan;
  • Install a uniform national standard for determining who is an independent worker.

“A separate and important question is whether the new regulatory regime would be opt-in or mandatory,” said author Michael Mandel, the chief economic strategist at PPI. “If companies do not opt in, they would remain subject to existing legal tests for determining worker classification.”

View the report by clicking here.

Americans are Worried about Health Care Prices — What Can Congress Do?

The Trump administration’s hospital price transparency rule, upheld by a district court judge this week, will require hospitals to post publicly the rates they negotiate with insurers beginning in January.

President Trump called it a “BIG VICTORY for patients — Federal court UPHOLDS hospital price transparency. Patients deserve to know the price of care BEFORE they enter the hospital. Because of my action, they will. This may very well be bigger than healthcare itself.”

This is undoubtedly false. Price transparency is always a good thing, in health care or any other market. But the effect of Trump’s order is likely to be modest at best.

The idea is that if prices are posted, informed consumers — aka patients — can compare prices between providers for elective surgeries and procedures. This would encourage them to pick lower cost providers and subsequently, providers would lower their prices to remain competitive.

But the jury is still out on how much affect price transparency could have on overall health care costs. One study found that only 2 percent of patients with health plans that offered price transparency tools used them. There are three main reasons that patients are not responsive to price in health care:

1. People with insurance are insulated from health care costs at the point of purchase

2. Patients follow their doctors’ referrals rather than shopping for care on their own

3. Patients see price as a proxy for quality and associate higher prices with higher quality care

Even though they don’t price shop, Americans are still concerned about health care costs. Before the pandemic, 1 in 3 Americans were worried about being able to afford health care. Though price transparency isn’t likely to change consumer behavior, it could help insurers negotiate better prices with hospitals. It remains to be seen. But in the meantime, hospitals are appealing the court’s decision.

To support efforts to reduce health care prices, Congress could:

Require hospitals to post prices publicly. Codifying the rule would render the lawsuit challenging the Trump rule moot.

Empower the FTC. Giving the Federal Trade Commission more resources to review and limit hospital mergers could reduce health care prices. Hospital mergers are continuing despite the pandemic and cash-poor physician practices are selling out to larger hospital chains. The data show that consolidated markets have higher health care prices. Giving the FTC more resources to consider the market implications of these mergers and acquisitions could limit market consolidation and price increases.

Ban surprise bills. Congress could resume negotiations over a comprehensive package to ban surprise medical bills. My preferred approach is a benchmark price for out-of-network services tied to Medicare prices. Tying the benchmark to in-network prices or median charges has perverse incentives to increase in-network prices. Is it politically difficult? Yes. But it’s necessary to both protect patients and to stop the exponential growth of health care costs in the U.S.

Read more here.

Congress Should Stabilize The American Economy – Both Now And Later

At the end of next month, several economic support programs created by the CARES Act in March will expire. House Democrats have moved to extend and expand these supports through January 2021 with the $3 trillion HEROES Act. Senate Republicans, however, have used fiscal cost as a pretext to oppose or scale back this and other potential future stimulus measures. The stakes are high: allowing the CARES Act programs to expire would reduce the incomes of up to 30 million unemployed Americans by more than half overnight and cut off lending programs that have helped otherwise healthy businesses stay afloat during the crisis. Fortunately, there is an opportunity for lawmakers to strike a bipartisan compromise that supports our economy in a fiscally responsible way.

Read the full article here.