Marshall for The Hill: Can Kamala Harris rebuild America’s anti-Trump majority?

By Will Marshall

As the Paris Olympics wind down, it’s hard to say which has been the more riveting spectacle, the games or the 2024 presidential race. Next week’s Democratic National Convention in Chicago will cap a summer of high political drama with dizzying plot twists.

It began with Donald Trump’s history-making criminal convictions, which perversely seemed to help him sew up his party’s nomination.

Then came President Biden’s mercilessly revealing debate performance, Trump’s narrow escape from an assassin’s bullet and a GOP national convention in Milwaukee that looked more like a royal coronation.

Biden then upstaged the Republicans with his eleventh-hour handoff to Vice President Kamala Harris. This rattled Trump by depriving him of the grudge-match he’s been itching for ever since his stinging 2020 defeat.

Keep reading in The Hill.

PPI Statement on Selection of Minnesota Governor Tim Walz as Democratic Vice Presidential Nominee

WASHINGTON — Today, Will Marshall, President of the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI), issued the following statement in response to Vice President Kamala Harris’ selection of Minnesota Governor Tim Walz as her running mate:

“Vice President Kamala Harris has made her first major decision since becoming the Democrats’ presumptive nominee – and it’s a good one. Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz is something you won’t find anywhere on the Republican ticket: A seasoned veteran of public service who knows how to bring Americans together and get things done.

“Gov. Walz brings the pragmatic perspective of Middle America to the Democratic ticket. He was a high school teacher and coach, a U.S. military veteran, and a former Member of Congress representing rural Minnesota. Now he’s a very popular Midwest governor in his second term, with a solid record of governing success under his belt.

“Throughout his career, Gov. Walz has shown a knack for winning the trust and votes of rural and working class voters. He flipped a swing district to win his House seat. In Congress, he stood out as a consistent public champion of the economic aspirations and moral outlook of ordinary working Americans.

“Nearly 15 years ago, as a junior member of Congress, he called for comprehensive deficit reduction, emphasizing the need to get our fiscal house in order — a vision that, if heeded, would have positioned us better today.

“Gov. Walz is a builder. As governor, he’s launched major infrastructure projects and called for permitting reform to ensure Minnesotans get access to better roads, schools and clean energy soon rather than the distant future.

“Harris’s choice of Gov. Walz to be her running mate contrasts favorably with Donald Trump’s selection of Ohio Sen. J.D. Vance. The callow Vance is an insult artist who adds little but a second troll to Trump’s ticket.

“Gov. Walz is a proven and radically pragmatic leader whose record shows he knows how to make American democracy work.”

The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.org.

Follow the Progressive Policy Institute.

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Media Contact: Ian O’Keefe – iokeefe@ppionline.org

Maag and Malec for The Hill: Democrats must prioritize the workforce to win back the working class

By Taylor Maag and Stuart Malec

Amid America’s current news cycle, it can be hard to see past the daily barrage of political crises and focus on the underlying policy offerings of each campaign.

But with November rapidly approaching, policymakers — especially Democrats who hope to hold the presidency and win back control of the House — must not forget about the issues voters care about.

Our organization, the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI), is looking closely at the issues that matter most to working-class Americans, a constituency once considered the bedrock of the Democratic Party that has been almost completely co-opted by Trump and the populist right.

Keep reading in The Hill.

Lewis for Progressive Britain: To Win, Harris Will Need to Follow Starmer’s Example

By Lindsay Mark Lewis

When Democratic primary voters selected Joe Biden to be the Party’s standard bearer in 2020, the faithful made their choice in a very specific context: the Trump administration. Like with Labour facing a Tory government gone off the rails, progressive in the U.S. were determined to nominate a candidate who would appeal to the electorate as a whole—who would, namely, be capable of drawing together the anti-Trump vote. Joe Biden was, without a doubt, perfectly suited to play that role. The man from Scranton—a figure with bipartisan sensibilities rooted in his experience growing up as a working-class kid in Pennsylvania—met the moment and succeeded. He vanquished the incumbent populist.

But then things changed. In an odd twist ostensibly fueled by a moderate’s determination to unite progressives, the man who ran most notably as a beacon of the center chose to govern as a paragon of the left. There’s no mystery to why Sen. Bernie Sanders, the self-described socialist who competed against Biden in the 2020 primaries, was among the most vociferous figures hoping to keep the incumbent atop the ticket. The rationale was clear: Biden had allowed himself to become a vehicle for Sanders’ leftist agenda. Ironically, it was the party’s centrists, figures who had originally propelled Biden’s candidacy, who now wanted him to exit. They wanted the change not only based on the debate debacle but based on defending an agenda they did not sign up for.

Keep reading in Progressive Britain. 

Paying for Progress: A Blueprint to Cut Costs, Boost Growth, and Expand American Opportunity

The next administration must confront the consequences that the American people are finally facing from more than two decades of fiscal mismanagement in Washington. Annual deficits in excess of $2 trillion during a time when the unemployment rate hovers near a historically low 4% have put upward pressure on prices and strained family budgets. Annual interest payments on the national debt, now the highest they’ve ever been in history, are crowding out public investments into our collective future, which have fallen near historic lows. Working families face a future with lower incomes and diminished opportunities if we continue on our current path.

The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) believes that the best way to promote opportunity for all Americans and tackle the nation’s many problems is to reorient our public budgets away from subsidizing short-term consumption and towards investments that lay the foundation for long-term economic abundance. Rather than eviscerating government in the name of fiscal probity, as many on the right seek to do, our “Paying for Progress” Blueprint offers a visionary framework for a fairer and more prosperous society.

Our blueprint would raise enough revenue to fund our government through a tax code that is simpler, more progressive, and more pro-growth than current policy. We offer innovative ideas to modernize our nation’s health-care and retirement programs so they better reflect the needs of our aging population. We would invest in the engines of American innovation and expand access to affordable housing, education, and child care to cut the cost of living for working families. And we propose changes to rationalize federal programs and institutions so that our government spends smarter rather than merely spending more.

Many of these transformative policies are politically popular — the kind of bold, aspirational ideas a presidential candidate could build a campaign around — while others are more controversial because they would require some sacrifice from politically influential constituencies. But the reality is that both kinds of policies must be on the table, because public programs can only work if the vast majority of Americans that benefit from them are willing to contribute to them. Unlike many on the left, we recognize that progressive policies must be fiscally sound and grounded in economic pragmatism to make government work for working Americans now and in the future.

If fully enacted during the first year of the next president’s administration, the recommendations in this report would put the federal budget on a path to balance within 20 years. But we do not see actually balancing the budget as a necessary end. Rather, PPI seeks to put the budget on a healthy trajectory so that future policymakers have the fiscal freedom to address emergencies and other unforeseen needs. Moreover, because PPI’s blueprint meets such an ambitious fiscal target, we ensure that adopting even half of our recommended savings would be enough to stabilize the debt as a percent of GDP. Thus, our proposals to cut costs, boost growth, and expand American opportunity will remain a strong menu of options for policymakers to draw upon for years to come, even if they are unlikely to be enacted in their entirety any time soon.

The roughly six dozen federal policy recommendations in this report are organized into 12 overarching priorities:

I. Replace Taxes on Work with Taxes on Consumption and Unearned Income
II. Make the Individual Income Tax Code Simpler and More Progressive
III. Reform the Business Tax Code to Promote Growth and International Competitiveness
IV. Secure America’s Global Leadership
V. Strengthen Social Security’s Intergenerational Compact
VI. Modernize Medicare
VII. Cut Health-Care Costs and Improve Outcomes
VIII. Support Working Families and Economic Opportunity
IX. Make Housing Affordable for All
X. Rationalize Safety-Net Programs
XI. Improve Public Administration
XII. Manage Public Debt Responsibly

Read the full Blueprint. 

Read the Summary of Recommendations.

Read the PPI press release.

See how PPI’s Blueprint compares to six alternatives. 

Media Mentions:

PPI Statement on President Joe Biden’s Decision to Not Seek Re-Election

Washington, D.C. — Today, Will Marshall, President of the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI), issued the following statement in response to President Joe Biden’s decision to not seek re-election.

“It was a wrenching decision for a proud and deeply accomplished veteran of public service, but President Joe Biden made the right call yesterday by ending his re-election campaign.

“In putting his country’s interests over his personal ambitions, Biden has shown Americans what real patriotism looks like. Contrast his conduct to Donald Trump’s treacherous coup attempt after losing badly to Biden in 2020.

“What forced Biden’s hand was not the fact that he is running behind Trump in national and battleground state polls. He might have remedied that with a vigorous general election campaign.

“But Biden’s June 27 debate performance left nearly three-quarters of Americans worried about his ability to withstand the incredible rigors and stresses of the world’s toughest job for another four years.

“Biden’s departure from the race comes late — in truth, too late. This was a decision that should have been made in January.

“Nonetheless, it removes a daunting obstacle to Democrats’ prospects and shifts public attention to the 78-year-old Trump’s mental state. He’s never had a firm grasp on reality, and his meandering nomination speech in Milwaukee last week showed it’s getting even weaker.

“Contrary to Trump’s over-the-top insults, Joe Biden has been a good president with many significant accomplishments to his credit. The U.S. economy is the strongest in the free world, and Biden deserves enormous credit for rededicating America to the defense of freedom and democracy abroad after Trump’s detour into a selfish and insular jingoism.

“More fundamentally, though, Biden restored decency, dignity, and integrity to a White House defaced by Trump. When Democrats needed an experienced national leader to unite the party and the country against Trump’s political vandalism, the old pro from Delaware rose to the occasion.

“That’s something that can never be taken away from Joe Biden, regardless of what happens in November.”

The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.orgFind an expert at PPI and follow us on Twitter.

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Media Contact: Ian O’Keefe — iokeefe@ppionline.org

Weinstein for Forbes: November’s Presidential Election Won’t Stop Fed From Cutting Rates

By Paul Weinstein Jr.

Last month, prices fell to their lowest levels almost two years. The June Consumer Price Index (CPI) dropped to 3.0% annually–down from 3.4% the prior month—and is now on the verge of hitting the Federal Reserve’s inflation target of 2%.

Almost immediately after the release of the CPI data, Republicans warned the Federal Reserve not to cut rates prior to the election in November. After Fed Chair Jerome Powell testified before the Senate Banking Committee Senator Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.) argued that “I personally don’t think they should…anything they do before November would be rightfully—would raise the question of their own independence.”

But will the Fed heed the call from Republicans to keep rates at their current level when its Federal Open Markets Committee meets on July 31 and September 18? Based on past history, the answer is a resounding no (assuming economic conditions require action).

Keep reading in Forbes.

Johnson for Infinite Scroll: What is the purpose of liberalism?

By Jeremiah Johnson

When attacks like this happen, the first and most obvious thing that every political figure does is to condemn the violence. I think this is the morally correct choice, but it’s worth unpacking why.

It’s not a secret that in my day job I am quite liberal and vocally anti-Trump. I think he’s a genuinely dangerous person, far beyond the typical partisan disagreements I have with other Republicans. I think given the opportunity, he would gladly seize authoritarian power. He has little respect for human rights, democracy, the rule of law, or anything else other than his own profit and power. He has a history of encouraging political violence himself. I’d even say that if he were to drop dead of a heart attack tomorrow, the world would be a better place for it. So why exactly, ask some voices, should we be concerned for Trump? If he’s so awful, if he’s such a danger to democracy, if he promotes violence himself… why do we need to condemn violence against him?

When I try to wrap my head around difficult or painful topics, I tend to fall back on my core values. Before I am anything else – a Democrat, a New Yorker, an American – I am a liberal. I condemn political violence because I’m a liberal, and because I remember the purpose of liberalism.

Keep reading in Infinite Scroll.

Ainsley for The Financial Times: Labour must heed warnings from the global centre-left

By Claire Ainsley

It is a quirk of the British political system that the leader of the opposition goes from inhabiting cramped parliamentary offices to rubbing shoulders with leaders of the free world within such a short time. Sir Keir Starmer looked at ease at the Nato summit this week. But he faces a difficult new role as champion of a troubled global centre-left.

Political parties love a winner. And centre-left parties around the world are hungry to learn how Labour defeated the long-dominant Conservative party. Next week, the European contingent will gather at Blenheim Palace for the European Political Community meeting. Starmer would do well to use the time to learn from the problems besetting his global colleagues.

In many other countries, centre-left parties are incumbents facing difficult re-elections under pressure from a revived far right. Opposition is high: a majority of voters in every EU country except Poland, which changed government in 2023, think that their country is headed in the wrong direction, according to research by Datapraxis for the Progressive Governance summit in Berlin recently.

Keep reading in The Financial Times.

Ainsley for The Economist: A former adviser to Keir Starmer on what his victory can teach the global left

By Claire Ainsley

The Labour Party’s thumping victory in Britain’s general election seems to have bucked the trend of declining support for social-democratic parties, particularly in the face of fervour for the populist right. The left and centre in France have only staved off a triumph of the far right by standing down candidates to form a united front. In Germany the main party in the ruling coalition, the SPD, finished third in the European Parliament elections in June, behind the far-right Alternative für Deutschland. Those elections saw an overall shift to the political right in Europe.

Labour’s success is all the more striking because of the speed of the party’s turnaround under Sir Keir Starmer. When he was elected leader in April 2020, Labour had been defeated by the Conservatives for a fourth consecutive time, with Boris Johnson’s Tories winning a comfortable majority that included dozens of seats the party hadn’t won for decades, or ever.

The election of a Labour government after 14 years of Conservative rule is a shot in the arm for the global centre-left. But it is vital to understand why and how Labour won, before taking any comfort that this marks the start of the centre-left’s comeback.

Keep reading in The Economist.

Ainsley for The Hill: Why UK Labour’s win is a shot in the arm for Democrats

By Claire Ainsley

This weekend, something shifted in the public mood in Britain.

There were no street parties or jubilant scenes greeting the new Labour government, unlike the last time the Labour Party broke a long period of Conservative rule, an occasion marked with a dawn party at London’s Royal Festival Hall in 1997. But as the new Prime Minister Keir Starmer took to the steps of Downing Street to offer a new kind of leadership, and broke party traditions with a slew of expert appointments as incoming ministers, it’s like a weight has lifted.

People don’t expect miracles in this age of tight finances, but they have given change a chance. As a neighbor commented with a wry smile, “It’s a start.”

How did the United Kingdom go from electing a fourth consecutive Conservative government led by Boris Johnson with an 80-seat parliamentary majority in 2019 to electing a Labour government in a landslide less than five years later? And can this victory offer the Democratic Party hope that there is a way to defeat the political right and win big?

Keep reading in The Hill.

Democrats’ Path to Winning Working-Class Voters: New PPI/YouGov Poll Reveals Crucial Insights

WASHINGTON — For Democrats to restore their competitiveness outside urban centers and build durable majorities, they must improve their standing with working-class voters. Historically, Democrats have thrived when advocating for the economic aspirations and moral values of ordinary working Americans. However, with former President Donald Trump winning significant support among working-class Black and Latino voters, Democrats face an urgent challenge to regain the trust and support of these critical demographic groups.

Today, the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) released a new poll commissioned by YouGov to aid Democrats in crafting more effective appeals to working-class voters. PPI President Will Marshall offers detailed findings and analysis in the report, titled “Campaign for Working America: A PPI/YouGov Survey of Working-Class Voters.”

“Despite falling inflation and rising wages, working-class voters remain deeply pessimistic about the economy, with illegal immigration ranking as their second-highest concern. The poll highlights a profound sense of alienation among these voters, who feel their government is more responsive to the wealthy and the college-educated than to people like them. On a positive note for Democrats, few non-college voters support outlawing abortion, and many are skeptical of the Republican initiative to use taxpayer dollars to subsidize private schools,” said Will Marshall.

“This PPI/YouGov poll provides Democrats with a roadmap for regaining the trust of working Americans by urgently addressing their economic anxieties and offering pragmatic and sensible solutions to our nation’s toughest challenges.”
This survey also informs the work of PPI’s Campaign for Working America, launched in partnership with former U.S. Representative Tim Ryan (D-Ohio). The campaign aims to develop and test new themes, ideas, and policy proposals to help center-left leaders offer a compelling economic message to working Americans, find common ground on cultural issues, and rally support for maintaining America’s global leadership.

The poll surveyed 6,033 working-class voters, including 902 in a national sample and oversamples in seven critical battleground states: Michigan, Pennsylvania, Arizona, Georgia, North Carolina, Wisconsin, and Nevada. The respondents were registered voters without a four-year degree.

Key findings from the national poll include:

• Although the U.S. inflation rate has fallen below 3% and wage gains are growing faster, working Americans still rank the high cost of living as their top concern.

• This poll confirms a profound disconnect between the Biden administration’s economic record and public perception. Working-class voters believe Biden has given low priority to what the White House regards as its signature themes and accomplishments, such as creating more manufacturing jobs, building modern infrastructure, promoting green jobs like building electric cars, and delivering high-speed broadband to rural Americans.

• Non-college voters blame their economic woes mainly on the increase in illegal immigrants taking their jobs and raising costs. By a large margin, they believe the Biden administration is too soft on border security.

• Working Americans feel alienated from their government, viewing it as more responsive to wealthier people (75%), college-educated people (70%), whites (62%), urbanites (62%), and liberals (61%) than to “people like me” (41%). Less than half say the government is responsive to parents, religious people, and conservatives, and only about a third see it as responsive to rural and poor people. Working-class voters, especially in Arizona, Michigan, and North Carolina, don’t trust the federal government to do the right thing.

• A plurality of working-class voters (47-42%) support U.S. political and military support for Ukraine and worry that cutting off that aid would embolden Russian ruler Vladimir Putin to threaten Europe.

• Non-college voters are skeptical of a precipitous rush to end fossil fuel use in America, as well as the Biden administration’s pause in constructing natural gas export facilities.

• Working-class voters have made the connection between high housing costs and exclusionary zoning. By nearly 2-1 across the key battleground states of Georgia, Wisconsin, Nevada, and Pennsylvania, these voters support eliminating zoning regulations to enable the construction of more multifamily dwellings and drive down housing costs.

• A majority (52-42) of non-college voters believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases. They trust Democrats more (53-47) to ensure families have access to reproductive health care. Working-class support for outlawing abortion altogether is negligible, with just 6% of working-class voters supporting a full ban.

• Working Americans are unhappy with the quality of health care. Fully 51% of the national sample say America’s health care system is getting worse, with just 24% saying it is improving. They seem open to big changes in health care policy. Nationally, working-class voters are tied, 42-42, on whether to repeal the Affordable Care Act. In the battleground states of Arizona, Michigan, and North Carolina, they are also split on whether they generally trust Democrats or Republicans more to handle health care.

• Working-class voters are more upset about crime elsewhere in America than in their neighborhoods. Just 9% think crime in their community has gotten a lot worse recently, while 46% say crime is getting much worse “around the country.” They split evenly on whether the best solution to crime is “more police on the streets” or mental health care and social services, with about 25% supporting either approach.

• Working-class voters in Arizona, Michigan, and North Carolina are split on the subject of school vouchers. Michiganders squarely oppose them, with 38% supporting vouchers and 49% opposing. Arizonans support vouchers by a 49-40 margin, as do North Carolinians by a 46-41 margin. However, when framed as a choice between funding public and private schools, working Americans overwhelmingly (76%-24% on average across the three states) prefer improving the quality of local public schools to using taxpayer dollars to subsidize private schools.

Read and download the report here.

In November, PPI released a companion poll in a report titled “Winning Back Working America: A PPI/YouGov Survey of Working-Class Attitudes,” by PPI President Will Marshall. This study delves into the opinions and attitudes of working-class voters, providing essential insights for Democratic strategies leading up to the 2024 elections.

The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.orgFind an expert at PPI and follow us on Twitter.

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Media Contact: Ian O’Keefe – iokeefe@ppionline.org

Campaign for Working America: A PPI/YouGov Survey of Working-Class Voters

Introduction

Since the 2016 election, the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) has focused intently on what we believe is the Democratic Party’s overriding political imperative: Regaining the allegiance of working Americans who don’t hold college degrees. The party has suffered severe erosion among non-college white voters, and is losing support among non-college Black, Hispanic, and Asian American voters.

Non-college voters account for about three-quarters of registered voters and about two-thirds of actual voters. Basic math dictates that Democrats will have to do better with these working-class voters if they want to restore their competitiveness outside urban centers and build durable majorities. The party’s history and legacy point in the same direction: Democrats do best when they champion the economic aspirations and moral outlook of ordinary working Americans.

To help them relocate this political north star, PPI has commissioned a series of YouGov polls on the beliefs and political attitudes of non-college voters, with a particular focus on the battleground states likely to decide the outcome of this November’s national elections. This poll, taken April 26 to May 31, is the second in the series.

In addition to illuminating where Democrats stand with non-college voters, these three surveys inform the work of PPI’s new Campaign for Working America, launched this year in partnership with former U.S. Representative Tim Ryan of Ohio. Its mission is to develop and test new themes, ideas, and policy proposals that can help center-left leaders make a new economic offer to working Americans, find common ground on contentious cultural issues like immigration, crime, and education, and rally public support for keeping America strong and engaged in the defense of freedom abroad.

YouGov sampled a total of 6,033 working-class voters, including 902 working-class voters in a national sample, 843 in Michigan, 833 in Pennsylvania, 816 in Arizona, 812 in Georgia, 803 in North Carolina, 520 in Wisconsin, and 503 in Nevada. Each sample was weighted separately, with some respondents from the national sample pooled into their respective state samples for those separate weights.

Our respondents, like working-class voters in general, are disproportionately conservative and Republican in their political habits. Donald Trump won them in our national poll 47-41. Trump won working-class voters in each state in this sample by 7-10 percentage points. This includes a small but consistent gender imbalance, with Trump’s vote margin consistently 2-4 percentage points higher among men than women.

About 36% of this sample is Democratic, 38% Republican, and 26% Independent — in other words, considering Trump’s electoral fortunes among this population, this survey includes independents and Democrats who are much more likely to support Trump than voters with these partisan inclinations would be among the general population.

About 14% of the sample is Black, 13% of the sample is Hispanic, and the rest is white. Less than 2% of the sample is Asian or Middle Eastern. While Trump likely won less than 10% of Black voters overall in 2020 and just over one-third of Hispanic voters, this poll shows him winning almost 13% of working-class Black voters and about 40% of working-class Latino voters. These non-white Trump voters are disproportionately male, with Trump winning almost twice as many Black and Latino men as Black and Latino women.

Read the full report for the poll’s key takeaways.

Ainsley in The Wall Street Journal: The U.K. Elects a No-Drama Prime Minister After Years of Post-Brexit Chaos

Starmer’s tenure nearly came to a quick end. In 2021 the party lost a special election in Hartlepool, a Labour heartland, to the Conservatives, which nearly prompted him to quit, aides say.

Starmer’s aides looked to other social democrats across the world for inspiration. They saw how the Biden campaign had succeeded against Trump in 2020 by promising an alternative to chaos. In Germany and Australia, staid center-left politicians, Olaf Scholz and Anthony Albanese, had won victories running tightly disciplined, unshowy campaigns, says Claire Ainsley, who was Starmer’s executive director of policy and now works at the U.S.-based Progressive Policy Institute. 

“We needed to target towns and suburbs around the country,” she said. “We couldn’t just be the party of metropolitan voters in the big cities.” That meant ditching a lot of progressive policies to attract back working class voters and present themselves as a party which respected national security and business, she says.

Read more in The Wall Street Journal.

Ainsley in NBC News: Who is Keir Starmer, the self-described socialist set to lead the U.K.? Some Brits still don’t know

It was a chaotic party under Corbyn, who hailed from the unpolished far left and enraged many colleagues. Starmer held several senior roles but also participated in a failed plot to topple Corbyn, finally replacing him in 2020 after Labour suffered a colossal defeat to then-Prime Minister Boris Johnson.

“It’s hard to overstate how much that election had damaged the party,” Claire Ainsley, Starmer’s former policy guru, said in an interview. “Morale was at rock bottom, its spirit and purpose had been broken” and it was 26 points behind in the polls, added Ainsley, who is who is now a director at the Progressive Policy Institute, a Washington-based think tank.

Supporters say Starmer’s remaking of Labour — now 20 points ahead — shows he can enact radical change. It has become a sleek, professionalized electoral force, while Starmer has cast himself as Corbyn’s antithesis.

Read more in NBC News.