The Great Disrupters of Silicon Valley

Last week, the Pepperdine School of Public Policy gathered an eclectic crew of economists (including your fearless blogger) and high-tech entrepreneurs to discuss tech policy over dinner in Silicon Valley. Among the entrepreneurs were startups like mobile-payment company Ribbon, voice-recognition-software maker Promptu, and mobile-platform provider Appallicious, as well as established players like portable-device maker Lab126 (think Kindle).

These entrepreneurs shared stories about spontaneous collaborations being struck over morning coffee at University Cafe. (Note to joggers: After taking out University Avenue on day one of your trip, make sure to hit the Dish near Stanford on day two.) To succeed here, one needed to tap into this vibe. Unlike the keep-your-head-down mentality of Washingtonians, strangers in the Silicon Valley are inclined to interact based on a common mission to design the next great thing.

After being plied with a local Cabernet (or three), and without any prior warning, the economists were asked a difficult question: What role, if any, does tech policy have in promoting startups like the ones gathered around the table? Continue reading “The Great Disrupters of Silicon Valley”

Retail Holidays Show Need for More Small Business Financing

With the “fiscal cliff” likely to be averted, consumers are gearing up for the Holiday season. Retail designated shopping days “Black Friday,” “Small Business Saturday,” and “Cyber Monday” all saw an increase in sales, a good sign of consumer optimism heading into December.

Small businesses depend on retail spending days like these, and on consumer optimism throughout the year. And a big part of successfully growing their business is to have adequate access to financing. But “tight credit” and “small business” have been tied together by politicians and pundits as headwinds to economic recovery. Last year, PPI contributor Brian Martin wrote “The Credit Gap: Easing the Squeeze on the Smallest Business” showing how increasing lending caps at credit unions would unleash billions to the smallest small businesses (50 employees or less) and allow new growth and hiring opportunities with no taxpayer assistance.

So PPI is spotlighting Martin’s paper. We urge Congress to pass the Credit Union Small Business Jobs Bill, S. 2231 [introduced Senator Mark Udall (D-CO)]. This bipartisan bill would raise the credit union member business lending cap to 27.5% of assets and could provide up to $13 billion to small businesses in the first year alone. This could create over 140,000 new jobs at no cost to taxpayers.

The Untouchable Economy: Why Americans Are Turning Against ‘Stuff’

Writing for The Atlantic, PPI’s Michael Mandel argues that young people are viewing themselves as microbusinesses operating in a highly uncertain economic environment.

Millennials are shifting from tangibles (cars and homes) to intangibles (education and access to data), but they are not alone. In today’s data-driven economy, the business sector is moving along the same tangible-to-intangible path as the Millennials, perhaps at an even faster pace. Business spending on nonresidential structures, other than mining-related, is roughly 30% below the 2007 pre-recession highs, while investment in software is up almost 20% over the same period.

In fact, Millennials are responding to the same trends as businesses, and for much the same reasons. Members of the younger generation are being forced — or encouraged — to think entrepreneurially, to view themselves as microbusinesses operating in a highly uncertain economic environment. Why buy a home or car if there are lower-risk, lower-cost options? Why invest in physical capital if spending on human capital and data can have bigger payoffs?

This shift changes corporate strategy and marketing aimed towards Millennials. If Millennials are operating like microbusinesses, then companies must reframe their appeal in terms of business values such as security, collaboration and competitiveness. So they will be open to companies that create products and services to help them protect themselves, find allies, or prosper economically.

Read the entire article.

Start-up 2.0: Another Welcome Boost for Entrepreneurs

Last month, Congress and the president passed major legislation (the Jumpstart Our Business Startups (JOBS) Act) aimed at making it easier for start-ups and small businesses to gain better access to capital. It was one of the few bills passed in the last year that wasn’t born out of crisis or in the shadow of a looming government shutdown.

This week, a bipartisan group of Senators has introduced a summer sequel worth watching in what they’ve dubbed “Startup Act 2.0.” This legislation would take one more big step in giving young businesses three crucial ingredients for success: talent, time and money.

Talent. Perhaps the most ambitious and creative proposal put forward by this group—Sens. Jerry Moran (R-Kan.), Mark Warner (D-VA.), Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) and Chris Coons (D-Del.)—is the creation of “STEM visas” for foreign students who come to America and earn advanced degrees in math or science, and “entrepreneur visas” for legal immigrants who start their own companies.

Continue reading “Start-up 2.0: Another Welcome Boost for Entrepreneurs”

Room for Regulatory Improvement

A new survey released today by Thumbtack.com gives more evidence that reforming regulations for new and small businesses at the state and local level could lead to valuable economic gains.

The survey, which assessed how “friendly” states and local areas were to new and small businesses, finds that those states with the friendliest climates had fewer licensing regulations and other legal hurdles that hindered business registration. In fact, the survey found small businesses viewed licensing requirements as almost twice as important as tax rates in determining how friendly a state was to its businesses. And states deemed the most friendly to business, including Texas, Idaho, and Oklahoma, were also the states where respondents claimed starting a new business was easy.

The survey, which received over 6,000 responses from small businesses across the country, was conducted by Thumbtack.com in partnership with the Kauffman Foundation. It found Texas was the friendliest state in the nation for small businesses, while California was ranked as the least friendly.

Small businesses are a crucial backbone to the U.S. economy, employing almost half of all American workers. That’s why it’s important to implement business regulations and policies that make establishing a new business a relatively smooth process. States that have excessive or redundant regulatory processes could be discouraging an important source of economic growth, or lose out on business opportunities to a more friendly state. And with those lost business ventures comes lost spillover effects to the local economy that are an important source of state and local revenue.

PPI has long advocated for reducing unnecessary regulatory hurdles, to encourage the development of new innovations and facilitate getting those innovations to market quickly and efficiently. That’s why PPI proposed a Regulatory Improvement Commission, a congressionally authorized body designed to reduce and remove unnecessary Federal regulations as submitted by the public, as part of our Regulatory Reform Initiative.

Given how many states have “unfriendly” regulations, emulating such a Commission at the state level could certainly have a significant impact on creating friendlier business climates. And given the slow economic recovery, it’s as important as ever policymakers at all levels of government work to balance consumer safety and business legitimacy with creating a more conducive climate for small and new businesses.

Photo credit: marsmet526

Why the Instagram Purchase is Good News for App Economy Jobs

The $1 billion purchase by Facebook of Instagram, a start-up with a hot mobile photo app, was played up by the New York Times as a way for Facebook to stave off competition–”eat the new start-up before it eats you, or before a competitor grabs it.”

However, there’s another way to think about the Instagram purchase. Facebook just sent a strong signal to potential entrepreneurs and venture capitalists: If you have a good idea for an app, or can find someone with a good idea for an, you can get very rich very quickly by being acquired by a Facebook, or a Google, or a Microsoft. All of a sudden starting or financing a new company, with plenty of new employees, looks a lot more appealing.

Continue reading “Why the Instagram Purchase is Good News for App Economy Jobs”

Mandel on America’s Growing “App Economy”

In a new study published by TechNet, PPI Chief Economic Strategist, Michael Mandel, explains America’s prospering “App Economy”:

“TechNet, the bipartisan policy and political network of technology CEOs that promotes the growth of the innovation economy, today released a new study showing that there are now roughly 466,000 jobs in the “App Economy” in the United States, up from zero in 2007.

“The study … also found that App Economy jobs are spread throughout the nation. The top metro area for App Economy jobs is New York City and its surrounding suburban counties, although together San Francisco and San Jose together substantially exceed New York. And while California tops the list of App Economy states with nearly one in four jobs, states such as Georgia, Florida, and Illinois get their share as well.

“According to our analysis, the App Economy has created roughly 466,000 jobs since the iPhone was introduced in 2007. How big can the App Economy get? That depends in many ways on the future of wireless and social networks. If wireless and social network platforms continue to grow, then we can expect the AppEconomy to grow along with them.”

Read the article and new study here

What’s Really Behind Bain Capital(ism)

Mitt Romney

Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney has taken a beating over the past few weeks regarding his long tenure at the private equity firm, Bain Capital. After distinguishing himself from President Obama as someone who truly knows how to create jobs, Romney likely did not expect to have his business credentials challenged—let alone by his Republican rivals. Among other things, Bain has been accused of “looting” companies and destroying jobs and lives along the way.

Some have sprung to Romney’s defense, often relying on the idea “creative destruction,” a term coined by economist Joseph Schumpeter several decades ago to describe the persistent process by which entrepreneurs challenge existing companies, often leading to the latter’s demise. Such creative destruction reached new levels in the 1980s, precisely the period now under scrutiny in the Bain recriminations.

Not surprisingly, this controversial issue isn’t new: liberals and conservatives have been quarreling over the economic lessons of the 1980s for twenty years. Wall Street Journal columnist Daniel Henninger argues that, in contrast to the narrative presented in movies like Wall Street, firms such as Bain “saved” the U.S. economy: “This was a historic and necessary cleansing of the Augean stables of the American economy. … It led directly to the 1990s boom years.”

The debate, however, glosses over the long-term economic trends in America that should be of very real concern. Many people have pointed out that the decade from 2000 to 2009 was the weakest in terms of job creation since World War Two. Even leaving aside the recessionary years of 2008 and 2009, the expansion from 2002 to 2007 was the weakest in postwar history—a hedge fund manager interviewed in Michael Lewis’ recent book, Boomerang, describes it as a “false boom.”

What connects the argument over the 1980s with today’s economic challenges? See this chart:
Gross Job Flows
Gross Job Flows
Economists at the Census Bureau and elsewhere have laboriously compiled a detailed breakdown of labor market “flows” over the past three decades. While the United States maintains a relatively high level of job churn, with millions of people changing jobs each quarter (for better or worse), overall job creation has slowed markedly.

There are many reasons for this. One is the falling job contribution of new and young companies, a trend that began prior to the Great Recession. My Kauffman Foundation colleagues, E.J. Reedy and Robert Litan, have documented what they call a trend of companies “starting smaller, staying smaller.”

The fact that new companies start with fewer employees today than they did several years ago probably won’t surprise too many people—technological advances likely account for some of this. Likewise, sectoral shifts in the types of new companies have probably also played a role: construction firms tend to be smaller than manufacturing companies, and many more of the former were started over the past decade. More worrisome is the second part of the research by Reedy and Litan: namely, that young companies are growing more slowly than their predecessors in the 1980s and 1990s.

How can we account for this phenomenon?

For one, demographic trends may be at work: labor force participation has fallen over the past several years and so slower job creation could reflect lower availability of workers, as strange as that sounds at a time when we have millions of unemployed workers. Second, the productivity revolution that began in the mid-1990s has meant lower levels of job creation. Finally, lower job churn doesn’t necessarily reflect poorer labor market outcomes. Some researchers have argued that job tenure among women remains higher than men because of women’s later large-scale entry into the workforce and, since women now account for a much larger share of the workforce, this could suppress turnover.

Whatever the reason, it is clear that an accusatory debate over Mitt Romney and private equity does little to advance our understanding of deeper economic trends and what might be done about them. Given the complex interaction of these larger trends above, we need a far broader dialogue that matches the scale of our economic challenges.

Photo by: Lachicaphoto

5 Ideas for the State of the Union and Beyond

IDEA #1: Scraping regulatory barnacles off the economy—A Regulatory Improvement Commission

In our policy brief, Reviving Jobs and Innovation: A Progressive approach to Improving Regulation,” we describe how such a Commission could work. Neither Congress nor the executive branch currently has an efficient, streamlined process for eliminating outdated regulations that stifle innovation and growth. The Regulatory Improvement Commission could fill that void.

IDEA #2: Starting up start-ups–Improving access to credit and access to capital for smaller businesses

 

Our policy memos, “The Credit Gap: Easing the Squeeze on the Smallest Businesses” and “501 Shareholders: Redefining ‘Public’ Companies to Help Emerging Firms” explain how these changes can promote innovation where it first begins–with start-ups and small businesses.

IDEA #3: Rescue underwater homeowners; restore homeownership wealth

In “Underwater: Home Values in 2012 Battleground States,” we looked at home values in 16 potential battleground states from 2008 to 2011. We find both an enormous loss of middle-class wealth and a potentially potent political issue. We also offer up some practical first steps toward restoring home values.

IDEA #4: An Off-Year Fundraising Time-Out

In our memo, “It’s About (the) Time: Ending the Nonstop Campaign,” we propose changing congressional ethics rules to ban members from directly accepting campaign contributions except during election years. This proposal would free up members to spend more time making policy instead of raising money.

IDEA #5: A Post-Cold War Benchmark for Defense Spending

In our memo “Defense and Deficits: How to Trim the Pentagon’s Budget–Carefully,” we propose a floor of 3 percent of GDP beneath which defense spending should not be allowed to fall. Such a level would ensure that investments in R&D and procurement are sufficiently robust to maintain America’s superior industrial base and high-tech weaponry.

Can Insourcing Be A Major Source of Job Creation?

Can insourcing be a major source of job creation for the U.S.? The answer is yes, with a caveat. Widespread insourcing–or import recapture, as I like to call it–won’t happen without some help from government policy. In particular, the main role of the government is to provide better data about the relative cost of insourcing vs outsourcing.

Why would better statistics help create new jobs in the U.S. and accelerate insourcing? The reason is hysteresis. Hysteresis is defined as a “lag in response” when the forces acting on a situation have changed. Originally hysteresis worked in favor of keeping jobs in this country, because businesses didn’t want to switch their production to a country thousands of miles away, even if it might be cheaper.But now, with production firmly established in China, India, Mexico, and other low-cost countries, hysteresis is working against the U.S.

As a result, even if production costs have converged, there are three big obstacles to bringing jobs back to the U.S.

First, it is expensive to switch suppliers, especially for noncommodity purchases. Contracts have to be negotiated, the quality of the product has to be checked, suppliers have to be integrated into a supply chain. Wal-mart would rather work with suppliers that it already has been doing business with.

Second, it may be expensive and time-consuming to recreate a production ecosystem here in the U.S., especially if an industry has been hollowed out. That is, if you want to start making shoes in the U.S., it’s easier if you have a repairman in the area who knows have to fix shoe manufacturing machinery.

Third, it may be expensive for small and medium-size companies to determine if switching suppliers will raise or lower costs. That’s especially true if all of their current suppliers are in one country. Big multinationals can afford to run studies on relative costs of the different countries, but small and medium businesses cannot.

One cheap way of boost insourcing is for the Bureau of Labor Statistics to provide better data about the relative costs of production in the U.S. versus production overseas. The BLS already collects information on import prices and domestic production prices, but it doesn’t compare the two.

Assuming that production costs really are converging, better information would make it easier for companies to justify the decision to bring jobs back to this country. Right now the safe decision for executives is to continue sourcing from China and India, since they are generally accepted to be ‘low-cost’ countries. It’s like they used to say, you can’t get fired for buying from IBM. It’s the same today–execs can’t get fired for buying from China and India, because everyone assumes that prices are lower there.

In November 2011 PPI proposed a Competitiveness Audit, to be done by the BLS, to help boost insourcing of jobs. For each industry, the Competitiveness Audit would compare import and domestic prices, and give a sense about the size of the gap and whether it was widening or narrowing. This information would be crucial for identifyng the industries where insourcing makes sense. The Competitiveness Audit would also give executives a sense of security that they were making the right decision by bringing back jobs.

A Competitiveness Audit is a good way of accelerating the rate of insourcing. The goal here is to overcome hysteresis and inertia, and create a sort of bandwagon effect of jobs moving back to this country. Better information is essential to create new jobs.

Crossposted from Innovation and Growth.

The Credit Gap: Easing the Squeeze on the Smallest Businesses

Among the many casualties of the 2007-2008 financial meltdown were small businesses. As the financial system virtually shut down, millions of small business owners across America found themselves unable to get the credit they desperately needed to run their businesses, let alone expand. As a result, thousands of otherwise flourishing firms were forced into bankruptcy or closure, with thousands of American jobs lost.

While this credit freeze has begun to thaw, one critical group of small businesses—firms with fewer than 50 workers—are still at risk of being left behind. These smallest of small businesses provide as much as 30 percent of all private-sector employment. Yet because of their small size, they are much less likely to benefit from government small business loan programs, and they are less likely to win loans from big commercial banks. For this group, the credit crunch is a serious impediment to their success. Many of these businesses relied on personal assets, such as home equity, for financing. But with the crash in home prices, those resources have evaporated. Instead, many smaller businesses rely almost exclusively on risky and expensive credit cards to finance their firms, if they can get credit at all.

Smaller businesses clearly need more options for getting credit, and credit unions, which already help many small borrowers finance their self-employment and small business ventures with personal loans, lines of credit, and limited business loans, could be an ideal source of credit for these underserved entrepreneurs. However, credit unions are blocked from offering as much help as they could because of an arbitrary and outdated cap on the amount of small business lending that credit unions can do. Bipartisan proposals to increase this limit—such as the ones offered by Sens. Mark Udall and Susan Collins and Reps. Ed Royce and Carolyn McCarthy—would help credit unions fill the “credit gap” that these smaller businesses face. It would also be a sensible and cost-effective way to jumpstart the job creation our country urgently needs.

Read the entire brief:12.2011-Martin_The-Credit-Gap_Easing-the-Squeeze-on-the-Small-Businesses

 

Scale and Innovation in Today’s Economy

Conventional wisdom these days says that small is better when it comes to innovation and putting new ideas into practice. Large enterprises are typically thought of as hidebound defenders of the status quo, dominating by market power and brute force rather than technological and innovative prowess.

Yet reality is far more complicated than this simple small versus big distinction. As we all know many common-sense beliefs turn out to be only partly true, or not to be true at all.

In this policy memo we will reconsider the link between scale (size) and innovation. After 20 years where startups have rightly dominated the innovation headlines, we will show that the pendulum may be swinging back. As a result, there are reasons to believe that scale may be a plus for innovation in today’s economy, not a minus. We will then relate scale to government policy, U.S. competitiveness and prosperity.

In this policy memo we will reconsider the link between scale (size) and innovation. After 20 years where startups have rightly dominated the innovation headlines, we will show that the pendulum may be swinging back. As a result, there are reasons to believe that scale may be a plus for innovation in today’s economy, not a minus. We will then relate scale to government policy, U.S. competitiveness and prosperity.

The now-heretical idea that scale is an advantage for innovation actually dates back more than 60 years. Back then, Harvard economist Joseph Schumpeter, the inventor of the term ‘creative destruction’, suggested that large-scale firms were “the most powerful engine of progress.” Following after his work, economists developed what came to be known as the “Schumpeterian Hypothesis.” The first part of the Schumpeterian Hypothesis was the argument that bigger firms have more of an incentive to spend on innovation than a smaller one. For example, if we compare a company that manufactures 50 million t-shirts a year versus one that manufactures 10,000 t-shirts a year, the larger company is much more like to spend the big bucks needed to develop and test a new process for dyeing the t-shirts.

The second part of the Schumpeterian Hypothesis is the observation that companies with more market power might also be more willing to invest in innovation. The argument is that if a firm in an ultra-competitive market innovates, the new product or service is quickly copied by rivals, so that the gains from innovations are quickly competed away. Conversely, a firm with market power has the ability to hold onto some of its gains from innovation, so it may pay to invest in product or other improvements.

Together, these two conjectures are among the most controversial and most widely studied of economic theories. Economists and business experts have generated a long series of theoretical papers, econometric analyses, case studies, and anecdotal reports, examining the impact of scale on innovation.

After all this research, we can summarize the economic evidence for and against the Schumpeterian hypothesis in two words: It depends. Part of the problem is that innovation influences scale, as well as vice versa. A successful and innovative small or medium-size company will often grow to be a successful and innovative large company, which perhaps dominates its market because of its very success.

At the same time, the link between scale and innovation, positive or negative, depends on the economic environment. In this policy memo, we will suggest that the current U.S. economy is dealing with a particular set of conditions that will make scale a positive influence on innovation. First, economic and job growth today are increasingly driven by large-scale innovation ecosystems, such as the ones surrounding the iPhone, Android, and the introduction of 4G mobile networks. These ecosystems require management by a core company or companies with the resources and scale to provide leadership and technological direction. This task typically cannot be handled by a small company or startup.

Second, globalization puts more of a premium on size than ever before. A company that looks large in the context of the domestic economy may be relatively small in the context of the global economy. In order to capture the fruits of innovation, U.S. companies have to have the resources to stand against foreign competition, much of which may be state supported.

Finally, the U.S. faces a set of enormous challenges in reforming large-scale integrated systems such as health, energy, and education. Conventional venture-backed startups don’t have the resources to tackle these mammoth problems. Only large firms have the staying power and the scale to potentially implement systemic innovations in these industries.

We finish this policy brief with some observations about scale, innovation, and government policy. In particular, we raise questions about whether an aggressive policy of filing antitrust actions against America’s key technological leaders is really the optimal course for improving U.S. competitiveness, raising living standards, and boosting job growth in the U.S.

Read the entire memo.

501 Shareholders: Redefining Public Companies to Help Emerging Firms

In 2004, Google made headlines by “going public,” raising $1.7 billion in what was then the biggest initial stock offering since the heady days of the tech boom. Next spring, Facebook is expected to make its debut with a $10 billion initial public offering (“IPO”)—one of the largest ever.

Dreams of a splashy IPO may spur many entrepreneurs, but in reality, fewer and fewer companies are going public. While the stock exchange has long been the fastest and easiest way for companies to finance their growth, reaching the public market is getting tougher for emerging companies.

Thanks to a combination of legislative, regulatory, and technological changes, going public is more expensive, more burdensome, and less appealing than in the past—especially for younger, smaller, and less sexy companies that aren’t expected to become Google-sized blockbusters. One recent study puts the average cost of going public at $2.5 million, plus ongoing annual costs of $1.5 million a year to keep up with paperwork and regulatory requirements.

The result has been a drought in IPOs and a crisis in access to capital for young companies seeking to grow. From 1991 to 2000, the U.S. stock markets saw an average of 530 IPOs every year.Since then, the average annual number of newly-minted public companies has plummeted to about one-fourth that number.In 2009, just 61 companies went public.Moreover, the number of public companies listed on U.S. stock exchanges shrank from 8,000 in 1995 to 5,000 in 2010.

But at the same time that going public has become tougher for younger companies, outdated rules are forcing some firms to either go public prematurely—or else radically curtail their growth to stay private. The problem is an outdated cap on the number of shareholders that a company can have before it’s essentially required to go public. The so-called “500 shareholder rule”—first promulgated in 1964 to define the “public” companies in need of regulatory oversight—now poses a significant hurdle to growth for many companies. These firms may not be ready or don’t want to go public but have few other options for raising capital because they can’t expand their investor pool. Thus, some companies nearing the 500-shareholder threshold may face an unpalatable choice: either bear the financial and regulatory costs of going public or forego opportunities for growth.

By raising the shareholder threshold to 1,000 or 2,000, as policymakers such as Sens. Tom Carper and Pat Toomey and Rep. David Schweikert have proposed, younger companies will have more room to grow, invest and create jobs, as well as more flexibility before making the plunge into going public. Coupled with other efforts to fix the broken IPO market, an amendment to this rule could give younger and smaller companies a much-needed boost toward growth.

Amending this rule would also be an important step in modernizing and reorienting the nation’s overall regulatory scheme toward promoting innovation—an effort that is crucial to America’s future economic renewal.

Read the entire brief.

Scale and Innovation in Today’s Economy

Conventional wisdom these days says that small is better when it comes to innovation and putting new ideas into practice. Large enterprises are typically thought of as hidebound defenders of the status quo, dominating by market power and brute force rather than technological and innovative prowess.

Yet reality is far more complicated than this simple small versus big distinction. As we all know many common-sense beliefs turn out to be only partly true, or not to be true at all.

In this policy memo we will reconsider the link between scale (size) and innovation. After 20 years where startups have rightly dominated the innovation headlines, we will show that the pendulum may be swinging back. As a result, there are reasons to believe that scale may be a plus for innovation in today’s economy, not a minus. We will then relate scale to government policy, U.S. competitiveness and prosperity.

In this policy memo we will reconsider the link between scale (size) and innovation. After 20 years where startups have rightly dominated the innovation headlines, we will show that the pendulum may be swinging back. As a result, there are reasons to believe that scale may be a plus for innovation in today’s economy, not a minus. We will then relate scale to government policy, U.S. competitiveness and prosperity.

The now-heretical idea that scale is an advantage for innovation actually dates back more than 60 years. Back then, Harvard economist Joseph Schumpeter, the inventor of the term ‘creative destruction’, suggested that large-scale firms were “the most powerful engine of progress.” Following after his work, economists developed what came to be known as the “Schumpeterian Hypothesis.” The first part of the Schumpeterian Hypothesis was the argument that bigger firms have more of an incentive to spend on innovation than a smaller one. For example, if we compare a company that manufactures 50 million t-shirts a year versus one that manufactures 10,000 t-shirts a year, the larger company is much more like to spend the big bucks needed to develop and test a new process for dyeing the t-shirts.

The second part of the Schumpeterian Hypothesis is the observation that companies with more market power might also be more willing to invest in innovation. The argument is that if a firm in an ultra-competitive market innovates, the new product or service is quickly copied by rivals, so that the gains from innovations are quickly competed away. Conversely, a firm with market power has the ability to hold onto some of its gains from innovation, so it may pay to invest in product or other improvements.

Together, these two conjectures are among the most controversial and most widely studied of economic theories. Economists and business experts have generated a long series of theoretical papers, econometric analyses, case studies, and anecdotal reports, examining the impact of scale on innovation.

After all this research, we can summarize the economic evidence for and against the Schumpeterian hypothesis in two words: It depends. Part of the problem is that innovation influences scale, as well as vice versa. A successful and innovative small or medium-size company will often grow to be a successful and innovative large company, which perhaps dominates its market because of its very success.

At the same time, the link between scale and innovation, positive or negative, depends on the economic environment. In this policy memo, we will suggest that the current U.S. economy is dealing with a particular set of conditions that will make scale a positive influence on innovation. First, economic and job growth today are increasingly driven by large-scale innovation ecosystems, such as the ones surrounding the iPhone, Android, and the introduction of 4G mobile networks. These ecosystems require management by a core company or companies with the resources and scale to provide leadership and technological direction. This task typically cannot be handled by a small company or startup.

Second, globalization puts more of a premium on size than ever before. A company that looks large in the context of the domestic economy may be relatively small in the context of the global economy. In order to capture the fruits of innovation, U.S. companies have to have the resources to stand against foreign competition, much of which may be state supported.

Finally, the U.S. faces a set of enormous challenges in reforming large-scale integrated systems such as health, energy, and education. Conventional venture-backed startups don’t have the resources to tackle these mammoth problems. Only large firms have the staying power and the scale to potentially implement systemic innovations in these industries.

We finish this policy brief with some observations about scale, innovation, and government policy. In particular, we raise questions about whether an aggressive policy of filing antitrust actions against America’s key technological leaders is really the optimal course for improving U.S. competitiveness, raising living standards, and boosting job growth in the U.S.

Read the entire memo.

Do It Yourself: Creating a Producer Society

Last month, PPI released a provocative policy brief by Will Marshall, “Labor and the Producer Society,” which argued that the Great Recession and stalled economic recovery mean, “there can be no going back to the old economic model of debt-fueled consumption.” In this, Will is precisely correct. Even as median American income failed to rise over the past two decades, consumption surged because households piled up credit card debt or tapped their home equity. The massive debt deleveraging that typically follows financial crises still has some ways to go, which means that consumption cannot be counted upon to drive economic growth.

The United States, wrote Will, needs to “shift from a consumer society to a producer society.” We need a “new economic strategy that stimulates production rather than consumption; saving rather than borrowing; and exports rather than imports.” While such a shift needs to happen, we need a conception of “producer society” that is somewhat wider than old-line manufacturing, which tends to be the image that comes to mind when talking “production.”

Yet, in some ways, a new producer society is already taking shape all across the country, driven by very real grassroots movements in tinkering, do-it-yourself (DIY) projects, entrepreneurship, and even manufacturing. This is not the producer society of auto assembly or equipment manufacturing. In rural Missouri, a Polish immigrant with a doctorate in physics has founded Open Source Ecology, which creates what it calls the “Global Village Construction Set,” dramatically lowering the barriers to farming, construction, and manufacturing. The idea has clear implications for developing countries, but for a place like the United States, with massive legacy infrastructure and deep pools of engineering talent, the idea of repurposing existing technology for lower cost and better quality is very attractive.

Or take Maker Faire, which bills itself as the “world largest DIY festival.” It is a joyous collection of “makers”: proverbial garage inventors, hobbyists, and people who like to tinker. A Maker Faire held in Detroit several months ago drew 70,000 people! A recent issue of Make magazine, moreover, featured information on how to build your own go-kart. A slightly more formal version of the maker movement is TechShop, which originated in Silicon Valley and has now expanded to Detroit and Raleigh, NC, with additional locations planned. TechShop operates on the subscription model—you pay, say, $100 per month and gain access to cutting-edge equipment such as 3-D printers and laser-cutting machines. Several new companies have already emerged from TechShop. These are the faces of American manufacturing’s future.

But we must expand our notion of “producer” as well. All around the country, thousands of people participate in Startup Weekends throughout the year. This event is exactly what it sounds like: a 54-hour crash-course in pitching ideas, forming teams, building products, and pitching again. Many actual and sustainable companies have emerged from these. To date, most Startup Weekends focus, quite naturally, on software and Web-based businesses. But in the coming months there will be a Startup Weekend focused on 3-D printing and even health services. The idea echoes those of OSE and Maker Faire: rapid learning, lower costs, higher quality.

Startup Weekend participants, moreover, see themselves as builders and creators and, yes, producers. As Marc Andreessen recently emphasized, software is “eating the world,” transforming industries that we previously thought of as far removed from software. If you follow the myriad blogs and opinion pieces in the world of technology entrepreneurship—and if you can look past the persistent claims that we are in a new “tech bubble”—it becomes clear that this is a movement of producers.

Is this enough, however, to save the American economy from a Japanese-style lost decade? Skeptics will rightly assert that these movements of makers and startups are far from sufficient to create jobs for all the unemployed and underemployed. And, the challenges facing the United States in areas like education and health care are deep-seated. We have seen, moreover, that even before the onset of the financial crisis in 2008, new companies were “starting smaller and staying smaller,” a trend that only worsened during the recession.

A full treatment of public policies and private actions that might build on the foregoing movements and fully address the American economic challenges must wait for a future column. We should work, of course, to boost the competitiveness of the “old” producer society, but this will be achieved more through free trade agreements than government-directed investments. But, history teaches that the next economic frontier is born in the depths of recessions. The future being created right now at Maker Faire, in TechShop, and at Startup Weekends is the leading frontier of our next era of economic prosperity.

Photo credit: Laughing Squid

Stimulus for Entrepreneurs

The debt-ceiling stalemate is distracting policymakers’ attention from what should be their number one economic priority: putting Americans back to work. Big jolts of conventional stimulus, through public spending or tax cuts, are off the table for now, but Washington could try a different tack — stimulating entrepreneurship.

So says economist Robert Litan of the Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation, who unveiled last week a creative menu of proposals for rebooting America’s entrepreneurial spirit. These ideas have been incorporated into the Startup Act, a bipartisan proposal endorsed by an unlikely pair of political bedfellows, House Majority Leader Eric Cantor (R-Va.) and Senator Jon Tester (D-Mont.)

Litan’s offering came on the heels of a new Kauffman study that shows why Congress should be thinking about ways to spur entrepreneurship. Startup job growth, which Kauffman says is the main engine behind net job growth in the United States, has been slowly declining. This drop began before the Great Recession. What’s more, the survival rate of new firms is declining, along with the number of jobs created on average by new startups.

No one seems to know why start-ups have been losing momentum. But Litan, also a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, argued that public policy can be a catalyst for new business creation, just as it can also put obstacles in the way of entrepreneurs. The Startup bill’s provisions fall in four main baskets: selective immigration reform, easier access to capitol, streamlining the commercialization of new ideas, and resetting the regulatory burden on businesses.

Immigration reform: The bill advocates green cards for any foreign student that completes a STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) degree at a U.S university and more easily available visas for non-American future entrepreneurs. Litan specifically suggested targeting talented individuals currently working in America on 6-year H-1 visas, a demographic that starts new firms at a higher rate than the rest of the workforce, as an easy starting point for reform.

Financing startups: At a time when credit is tight, the bill would generate capital to finance new startups from two sources: tax breaks and easier access to public markets. It proposes a capital gains exemption for long-term investments (those held over five years) in startups with a market value of less than $50 million. To give more startups a fighting chance to survive, the bill also would exempt them from the corporate income tax for the first five years. In addition, the act suggests would allow shareholders of startups under $1 billion in market value to decide whether or not to comply with the Sarbanes-Oxley Act, arguing that the cost of compliance for startups far outweighed any benefits compliance could provide.

Patent Reform: The bill also endorsed recent patent reform passed by both the House and Senate designed to make the process more efficient. Under this approach, smaller startups would be allowed to pay less for a priority patent review.

Regulatory Reset: Finally the plan calls for regulatory reform as well as data collection on individual states – ranking them on how well they create a favorable climate for startups. It would require a cost-benefit analysis for all proposed rules and subject them to automatic, 10-year sunset requirements. State rankings would provide states with the motivation to decrease their regulatory burden and attract more new business.

At a recent forum, Litan noted that the government seems to be out of fiscal policy bullets to jolt the economy back to life. By creating a climate more conducive to the birth and survival of new firms, however, the U.S. could spur job creation at a relatively modest cost that won’t break the bank.

Photo Credit: Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation