Unemployed Americans Face Benefit Cut-Off

While House Democrats and Senate Republicans remain at an impasse over how generous unemployment benefits should be in the current recession, a potentially greater problem is looming: millions of unemployed Americans will see their benefits terminated prematurely unless Congress takes additional action in the next three months. What’s more, many workers are forced to clear bureaucratic hurdles to qualify for extended benefits Congress approved last spring to help them ride out the pandemic.

This piece explains why jobless Americans are entangled in red tape and on course to lose their benefits at the end of this year. Congress should fix these problems by tying the duration of unemployment benefits to actual economic conditions rather than arbitrary deadlines, streamlining the transition from regular benefits to extended pandemic benefits, and requiring the states to do a better job of informing workers about special pandemic extensions.

Not All Unemployed People Are Eligible for the Same Number of Weeks

People who lose their jobs through no fault of their own can typically draw unemployment benefits for 26 weeks. When unemployment spikes, the Extended Benefits (EB) program automatically extends the duration of benefits, usually for 13–20 weeks. But to buy unemployed people more time to find work amid the pandemic recession, Congress created a new program that offered 13 additional weeks of benefits for job seekers to draw before EB, called Pandemic Emergency Unemployment Compensation (PEUC). (Since some states offer unemployment benefits for fewer than 26 weeks, Congress also let people who exhausted all available benefits in fewer than 39 weeks make up the difference through the new program otherwise meant for self-employed workers, Pandemic Unemployment Assistance.)

However, it turns out that many people who lost their jobs as a result of the pandemic will not receive all 39 weeks of unemployment benefits. Why? Because the pandemic-specific unemployment programs expire at the end of this year. That means that anyone who began receiving benefits after March 28 will have their pandemic benefits cut off before they receive 39 weeks of benefits.

Leaders may have hoped back in March that the pandemic would subside and the unemployed would not need an extension after December. But we now know that’s not likely. Instead of “going away” as President Trump said that it would, the pandemic became worse than ever, which hurt the economy and caused even more layoffs. Over 80 percent of all initial normal unemployment claims filed during the pandemic were filed with fewer than 39 weeks to go before the end of the year. While some of those recipients are repeat claimers who might still get the full benefit, evidence from California suggests most were newly unemployed people who cannot. Republicans’ refusal to negotiate seriously with House Democrats now risks undermining the stimulus that Congress has already passed by prematurely kicking millions from pandemic unemployment programs.

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Even Eligible Beneficiaries Face Hurdles to Claiming Benefit Extensions

The looming cutoff isn’t the only problem facing unemployed people. To get however much of a benefit extension they do qualify for, recipients must also run a bureaucratic gauntlet through state unemployment offices already saddled with outdated technology and unprepared for the flood of applications. The U.S. Department of Labor has told states to require beneficiaries who have exhausted their normal benefits to actively apply for PEUC benefits, rather than receiving the benefits automatically. Some states are automatically enrolling beneficiaries in the program anyway, but PPI has only identified 14 such states, while 29 states indicate beneficiaries must specifically apply for PEUC in some way (several states have not yet set up their PEUC programs, and others do not indicate on their websites how beneficiaries transition from normal benefits to PEUC). This new application is simple in some jurisdictions, but onerous in others. Jobless people in Arkansas, for example, must physically go to a state unemployment office to apply for these benefits, even though they can apply for normal benefits online.

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These extra barriers could deter some recipients from getting the benefits they are entitled to. And beneficiaries who may have already survived onerous wait times to get their normal benefits may once again face delaysas states struggle to process PEUC applications. Kansas warns people transitioning from normal unemployment benefits to PEUC to expect delays in their payment, which can be brutal on cash-constrained people struggling to pay their bills.

Federal policy requires states to notify people who are likely eligible for PEUC, but many are not doing so until after a recipient exhausts their normal benefits, which risks leaving people confused as to whether they are entitled to more benefits. Although I have found no good data on how common this is, anecdotal evidence from my experience suggests the problem is real. My mother, who is furloughed, did not understand what the benefit extensions would entitle her to, and those extensions made gave her a better alternative to accepting an early retirement offer from her employer. Another close friend, who is unemployed, was planning to move to his parents’ house hundreds of miles away before he found out about PEUC through his own research. States should inform all recipients of everything they are entitled to when they begin receiving benefits (or as soon as new information becomes available) so no one makes life-changing decisions based on incomplete information.

Longer Benefits Could Support the Economy Even More Than Larger Benefits

Spending more on unemployment benefits helps more than just the recipients themselves — it helps the economy in which that money is spent. And while Congress can and should do both, extending the duration of unemployment benefits might do even more to stimulate the economy than increasing the size of benefits. This is because money put into circulation by the government only stimulates the economy if it gets spent on goods and services by those who receive it. Beneficiaries are likely to spend every dollar of a small benefit to pay for necessities, but every additional dollar is slightly less essential to maintain their standard of living. As the size of the benefits grows, recipients are more likely to save rather than spend a greater share of those benefits. Accordingly, the jobless population is more likely to spend money they receive from a benefit extension than they are a bigger weekly benefit with a similar cost.

Further, the long-term unemployed are less likely to have savings or other resources to support themselves, making it even more likely they will spend a large share of their benefit. And contrary to GOP Senator Rand Paul’s claim that said “If you give people money and you make it less painful to be in a recession we can stay in a recession longer,” research on the Great Recession found that extending benefit duration did not create a strong disincentive to work. Because people can only draw unemployment benefits if they are looking for a job, extending unemployment benefits can give recipients a vital lifeline without holding back the economic recovery.

To strengthen this safeguard for job seekers and the economy, Congress should return to the negotiating table and take three immediate actions:

  • First, cancel the arbitrary end-of-year deadline for pandemic benefits and tie the duration of unemployment benefits to real economic conditions as indicated by figures such as the unemployment rate.
  • Second, direct the Labor Department to let states automatically enroll beneficiaries who exhaust their normal benefits in PEUC.
  • Third, require states to notify all beneficiaries about the full slate of benefits available to them, with immediate updates should those benefits change.

For more information on how states say people can apply for PEUC, see below.

State, How are Normal Beneficiaries Transferred to PEUC:

Alabama, Automatically
Alaska, New Application
Arizona, New Application
Arkansas, New Application
California, Automatically
Colorado, New Application
Connecticut, New Application
Delaware, Automatically
Florida, New Application
Georgia, Automatically
Hawaii, New Application
Idaho, New Application
Illinois, Automatically
Indiana, Not Clear
Iowa, Automatically
Kansas, New Application
Kentucky, New Application
Louisiana, Not Clear
Maine, New Application
Maryland, Automatically
Massachusetts, Automatically
Michigan, Automatically
Minnesota, New Application
Mississippi, Not Clear
Missouri, New Application
Montana, New Application
Nebraska, Automatically
Nevada, New Application
New Hampshire, Not Clear
New Jersey, Automatically
New Mexico, New Application
New York, Automatically
North Carolina, New Application
North Dakota, New Application
Ohio, New Application
Oklahoma, New Application
Oregon, New Application
Pennsylvania, Automatically
Rhode Island, Not Clear
South Carolina, New Application
South Dakota, Not Clear
Tennessee, New Application
Texas, Not Clear
Utah, New Application
Vermont, Automatically
Virginia, New Application
Washington, New Application
West Virginia, New Application
Wisconsin, New Application
Wyoming, New Application

Unemployed Americans Face Benefit Cut-Off

While House Democrats and Senate Republicans remain at an impasse over how generous unemployment benefits should be in the current recession, a potentially greater problem is looming.

While House Democrats and Senate Republicans remain at an impasse over how generous unemployment benefits should be in the current recession, a potentially greater problem is looming: millions of unemployed Americans will see their benefits terminated prematurely unless Congress takes additional action in the next three months. What’s more, many workers are forced to clear bureaucratic hurdles to qualify for extended benefits Congress approved last spring to help them ride out the pandemic.

This piece explains why jobless Americans are entangled in red tape and on course to lose their benefits at the end of this year. Congress should fix these problems by tying the duration of unemployment benefits to actual economic conditions rather than arbitrary deadlines, streamlining the transition from regular benefits to extended pandemic benefits, and requiring the states to do a better job of informing workers about special pandemic extensions.

Not All Unemployed People Are Eligible for the Same Number of Weeks

People who lose their jobs through no fault of their own can typically draw unemployment benefits for 26 weeks. When unemployment spikes, the Extended Benefits (EB) program automatically extends the duration of benefits, usually for 13–20 weeks. But to buy unemployed people more time to find work amid the pandemic recession, Congress created a new program that offered 13 additional weeks of benefits for job seekers to draw before EB, called Pandemic Emergency Unemployment Compensation (PEUC). (Since some states offer unemployment benefits for fewer than 26 weeks, Congress also let people who exhausted all available benefits in fewer than 39 weeks make up the difference through the new program otherwise meant for self-employed workers, Pandemic Unemployment Assistance.)

However, it turns out that many people who lost their jobs as a result of the pandemic will not receive all 39 weeks of unemployment benefits. Why? Because the pandemic-specific unemployment programs expire at the end of this year. That means that anyone who began receiving benefits after March 28 will have their pandemic benefits cut off before they receive 39 weeks of benefits.

Leaders may have hoped back in March that the pandemic would subside and the unemployed would not need an extension after December. But we now know that’s not likely. Instead of “going away” as President Trump said that it would, the pandemic became worse than ever, which hurt the economy and caused even more layoffs. Over 80 percent of all initial normal unemployment claims filed during the pandemic were filed with fewer than 39 weeks to go before the end of the year. While some of those recipients are repeat claimers who might still get the full benefit, evidence from California suggests most were newly unemployed people who cannot. Republicans’ refusal to negotiate seriously with House Democrats now risks undermining the stimulus that Congress has already passed by prematurely kicking millions from pandemic unemployment programs.

Even Eligible Beneficiaries Face Hurdles to Claiming Benefit Extensions

The looming cutoff isn’t the only problem facing unemployed people. To get however much of a benefit extension they do qualify for, recipients must also run a bureaucratic gauntlet through state unemployment offices already saddled with outdated technology and unprepared for the flood of applications. The U.S. Department of Labor has told states to require beneficiaries who have exhausted their normal benefits to actively apply for PEUC benefits, rather than receiving the benefits automatically. Some states are automatically enrolling beneficiaries in the program anyway, but PPI has only identified 14 such states, while 29 states indicate beneficiaries must specifically apply for PEUC in some way (several states have not yet set up their PEUC programs, and others do not indicate on their websites how beneficiaries transition from normal benefits to PEUC). This new application is simple in some jurisdictions, but onerous in others. Jobless people in Arkansas, for example, must physically go to a state unemployment office to apply for these benefits, even though they can apply for normal benefits online.

These extra barriers could deter some recipients from getting the benefits they are entitled to. And beneficiaries who may have already survived onerous wait times to get their normal benefits may once again face delays as states struggle to process PEUC applications. Kansas warns people transitioning from normal unemployment benefits to PEUC to expect delays in their payment, which can be brutal on cash-constrained people struggling to pay their bills.

Federal policy requires states to notify people who are likely eligible for PEUC, but many are not doing so until after a recipient exhausts their normal benefits, which risks leaving people confused as to whether they are entitled to more benefits. Although I have found no good data on how common this is, anecdotal evidence from my experience suggests the problem is real. My mother, who is furloughed, did not understand what the benefit extensions would entitle her to, and those extensions made gave her a better alternative to accepting an early retirement offer from her employer. Another close friend, who is unemployed, was planning to move to his parents’ house hundreds of miles away before he found out about PEUC through his own research. States should inform all recipients of everything they are entitled to when they begin receiving benefits (or as soon as new information becomes available) so no one makes life-changing decisions based on incomplete information.

Longer Benefits Could Support the Economy Even More Than Larger Benefits

Spending more on unemployment benefits helps more than just the recipients themselves — it helps the economy in which that money is spent. And while Congress can and should do both, extending the duration of unemployment benefits might do even more to stimulate the economy than increasing the size of benefits. This is because money put into circulation by the government only stimulates the economy if it gets spent on goods and services by those who receive it. Beneficiaries are likely to spend every dollar of a small benefit to pay for necessities, but every additional dollar is slightly less essential to maintain their standard of living. As the size of the benefits grows, recipients are more likely to save rather than spend a greater share of those benefits. Accordingly, the jobless population is more likely to spend money they receive from a benefit extension than they are a bigger weekly benefit with a similar cost.

Further, the long-term unemployed are less likely to have savings or other resources to support themselves, making it even more likely they will spend a large share of their benefit. And contrary to GOP Senator Rand Paul’s claim that said “If you give people money and you make it less painful to be in a recession we can stay in a recession longer,” research on the Great Recession found that extending benefit duration did not create a strong disincentive to work. Because people can only draw unemployment benefits if they are looking for a job, extending unemployment benefits can give recipients a vital lifeline without holding back the economic recovery.

To strengthen this safeguard for job seekers and the economy, Congress should return to the negotiating table and take three immediate actions:

  • First, cancel the arbitrary end-of-year deadline for pandemic benefits and tie the duration of unemployment benefits to real economic conditions as indicated by figures such as the unemployment rate.
  • Second, direct the Labor Department to let states automatically enroll beneficiaries who exhaust their normal benefits in PEUC.
  • Third, require states to notify all beneficiaries about the full slate of benefits available to them, with immediate updates should those benefits change.

For more information on how states say people can apply for PEUC, see below.

State, How are Normal Beneficiaries Transferred to PEUC:

Alabama, Automatically
Alaska, New Application
Arizona, New Application
Arkansas, New Application
California, Automatically
Colorado, New Application
Connecticut, New Application
Delaware, Automatically
Florida, New Application
Georgia, Automatically
Hawaii, New Application
Idaho, New Application
Illinois, Automatically
Indiana, Not Clear
Iowa, Automatically
Kansas, New Application
Kentucky, New Application
Louisiana, Not Clear
Maine, New Application
Maryland, Automatically
Massachusetts, Automatically
Michigan, Automatically
Minnesota, New Application
Mississippi, Not Clear
Missouri, New Application
Montana, New Application
Nebraska, Automatically
Nevada, New Application
New Hampshire, Not Clear
New Jersey, Automatically
New Mexico, New Application
New York, Automatically
North Carolina, New Application
North Dakota, New Application
Ohio, New Application
Oklahoma, New Application
Oregon, New Application
Pennsylvania, Automatically
Rhode Island, Not Clear
South Carolina, New Application
South Dakota, Not Clear
Tennessee, New Application
Texas, Not Clear
Utah, New Application
Vermont, Automatically
Virginia, New Application
Washington, New Application
West Virginia, New Application
Wisconsin, New Application
Wyoming, New Application

We should push for more progress in telehealth

Over the last few months, millions of Americans have used telehealth services — the remote delivery of care and health monitoring using digital telecommunications tools — to get health care. Federal and state policymakers have made it easier to access telehealth during the pandemic to keep people home and safe but there is no reason to slow the momentum after so much progress has been made.

Due to policy changes at the state and federal levels, the use of telehealth has grown faster in the past five months than in the preceding 25 years. During the COVID-19 pandemic:

Most of the current telehealth expansions are temporary and will expire with the end of the current public health emergency declaration. But they don’t need to. In fact, 39 senators from both sides of the aisle have introduced legislation that would make some of those changes permanent.

Read the full op-ed here.

Online Courses Cost Too Much—So Do Onsite Classes

After welcoming undergraduates back to campus, Notre Dame, Michigan State, and the University of North Carolina (among others), experienced outbreaks of COVID-19. The result—they switched back to remote learning. With 26,000 cases of coronavirus linked to college campuses, more will soon follow. While some of those schools will offer discounts for online courses, many others won’t. Is this fair?

Students don’t think so. In a recent survey, 93 percent of undergraduates said online tuition should be reduced. This result isn’t a surprise. Most of us equate “online” with “less expensive.” But while other industries have been able to cut prices taking advantage of technology and the Internet—colleges and universities (with the exception of massive online courses or MOOCs) typically charge the same for online and onsite courses. Why?

Read Paul’s full op-ed here.

U.S. App Economy Update August 2020

As of August 2020,  we estimate that the United States has 2.52 million App Economy jobs, up 12% from our latest April 2019 estimate (released September 2019). This estimate includes a conservative estimate of spillover jobs (for a definition of an App Economy job and an explanation of our methodology, please see the appendix of our 2017 report) .

We can also estimate App Economy jobs by mobile operating system. As of August 2020, there are 2.135 million jobs in the iOS ecosystem and 1.983 million jobs in the Android ecosystem, up 15% and 14%, respectively, from the April 2019 estimates.  Note that many App Economy jobs belong to both ecosystems.

In the middle of a pandemic-induced recession, well-known companies like Snapchat, Etsy, Capital One and Square have posted job openings for mobile app developers.  So have lesser-known companies like UrgentCare2go and ForeFlight in Texas; Echelon Fit Multimedia and Tomahawk Robotics in Florida; ZYRL.us and Gambyt in Michigan; and Zumper in Illinois.  The demand for mobile app developers and other app-related jobs has been broad, across retail, finance, healthcare, networking, defense, and other industries.

The gains are driven in part by the overall rise in the number of people working in computer and mathematical occupations, which is a key input to our estimation procedure. Gains, not surprisingly, are also due to the increasing importance of mobile apps in a world of telehealth, virtual meetings, and remote learning.

The App Economy also has a history of being recession-resistant. Remember that Apple opened the first App Store in July 2008, just as the U.S. economy was plunging into financial crisis. The App Store and the others that followed, including Google Play (originally Android Market) which launched in October 2008, were successful despite historic economic turmoil.

Moreover, the App Economy served as an important engine for the long economic expansion that was ended by the pandemic in February 2020. The table below show our estimates of App Economy employment, going back to fall 2011. The table also includes an interpolated estimate for February 2020, the last pre-pandemic month.

We find that from July 2008 to February 2020  the App Economy generated a total of 2.4 million jobs, compared to the roughly 15 million nonfarm payroll jobs created by the whole U.S. economy. So an estimated 16% of net job growth since the creation of the App Store in July 2008 has come from the App Economy.

These calculations come with caveats, of course. We are tracking App Economy jobs by analyzing online job postings, an indirect methodology that is not as reliable as direct job counts. But it’s also true that the App Economy has transformed the way that people spend their time. According to one survey, American adults spent more than 2 ½ hours per day on mobile apps in 2019.  By comparison, government data shows the average American spends about 2 hours per day preparing meals, eating, and cleaning up afterwards.

 

The Rise of the App Economy, 2008-2020

Date of Estimate Date of Publication App Economy Jobs (thousands) Nonfarm payroll jobs (millions)
July 2008 Creation of App Store 0 137.5
November 2011 February 2012 466 132.7
April 2012 October 2012 519 133.8
June 2013 July 2013 752 136.3
December 2015 January 2016 1660 143.1
December 2016 May 2017 1729 145.4
April 2019 September 2019 2246 150.5
February 2020 interpolated 2417 152.5
August 2020 August 2020 2520 139.6 (July)
Data: South Mountain Economics, Progressive Policy Institute

 

We can do a similar calculation for the iOS and Android ecosystems as well, as the table below shows. The iOS ecosystem contributed an estimated 14% of net job growth from the creation of the App Store in July 2008 to February 2020, the peak month before the pandemic started.  Similarly, the Android ecosystem contributed an estimated 13% of net job growth between July 2008 and February 2020.

 

The App Economy’s Contribution to Job Growth

(share of nonfarm payroll job growth, July 2008-February 2020*)

All App Economy jobs 16%
iOS ecosystem 14%
Android ecosystem 13%
*Based on an interpolated estimate. Many App Economy jobs belong to both ecosystems. Data: Progressive Policy Institute

 

What about on the state level? Here are the top 20 states, ranked by the number of App Economy jobs as of August 2020.

 

 

App Economy Jobs by State, August 2020

(Thousands)
California 531
Texas 199
New York 184
Florida 123
Virginia 115
Washington 114
Illinois 95
Massachusetts 90
Maryland 79
Pennsylvania 77
Georgia 73
North Carolina 70
Ohio 67
Colorado 60
New Jersey 59
Michigan 56
Minnesota 42
Arizona 39
Oregon 33
Tennessee 31
Data: Progressive Policy Institute

 

Congressman Don Beyer on the Path Out of the COVID-19 Economic Crisis

PPI President Will Marshall and Ben Ritz from the Center for Funding America’s Future are joined by Congresswoman Don Beyer (VA-8), Vice Chair of the Joint Economic Committee, to talk about the fiscal health of the United States, the path out of the economic crisis caused by COVID-19, the role automatic stabilizers should play as America works to build a resilient recovery, and the Worker Relief and Security Act.

The Trump Party’s war on reality

The perverse joke at the heart of so-called reality TV is that it is totally fake — full of cartoonish heroes and villains and contrived dramas. Just like pro wrestling, the Trump presidency, and this week’s Republican National Convention.

It was a slickly produced, flag-bedecked exercise in mass delusion. In the squalid, everyday reality of his presidency, Donald Trump is a fumbling, dissembling, chaotic mess of a “leader” whose MO is denying the nation’s most urgent problems and deflecting blame on others for his failure to manage them effectively.

In the spectacle of the last four nights, however, Trump was anointed America’s only hope for salvation. Speaker after speaker extolled a beaming Trump for his “decisive action” against COVID-19, an inversion of reality that would make George Orwell dizzy. In his acceptance speech last night, Trump lauded himself, with characteristic hyperbole, for having ordered an “unprecedented national mobilization” against the “China virus,” even as the United States leads the world in COVID-19 deaths and infections.

The week featured what you would expect from the Trump Party: a Niagara of lies about the fictitious evils stalking America — socialism, anarchy in the streets, a plot to abolish the suburbs, Chinese leaders who deliberately loosed a deadly disease on the world, the betrayal of U.S. workers and assaults on religion and gun rights, etc. — and about Trump’s supposedly heroic, solitary battles on behalf of embattled Americans who still love their country.

The most overtly bigoted president in modern U.S. history trotted out people of color to pay tribute to his color-blind compassion, and Trump shamelessly repeated his risible claim to have done more for Black Americans than any president since Abraham Lincoln.

In cult-like fashion, family members and administration flunkies parroted the Great Leader’s own talking points, such as his easily disproven claim that Trump had built the “greatest economy in world history” before the Chinese bushwacked him with the coronavirus. In the absence of a record of real accomplishments to run on, as Barack Obama said at the Democratic Convention, Trump just “makes stuff up.”

Read the full piece here.

Denier-in-chief: Trump, COVID and climate change

It is a tale of two worlds. In Real World, the COVID scourge continues to inflict massive human suffering and economic costs on the American people. More than 177,000 Americans have died. More than 5.7 million have been infected. These are by far the largest tolls in the world. No wonder the U.S. economy is now a basket case.

More than 22 million jobs were lost in April alone, and many more in March and May, yet only 42% of those jobs have returned. Even with so many jobless Americans waiting to go back to work, job growth has slowed with July employment less than half that of June, and August looking weaker still.

This is the worst job market since the Great Depression. Yet after more than almost nine months, the Trump administration still does not have a coherent or effective national COVID-19 strategy, and Senate Republicans went on vacation rather than pass unemployment extensions for millions of jobless Americans.

But as his convention continues, the president seems to reside in Trump World, a land of alternative facts where everything appears fine. Late last week, Trump called his presidency the “most successful period of time in the history of our country, from every standard” and said his administration has “demonstrated over the last four years the extraordinary gains that are possible.”

Meanwhile, this week heatwaves, wildfires and hurricanes, all made much worse by climate change, are devastating communities and making life unbearable for tens of millions of Americans across the country.

In California, a massive heatwave scientists say is exacerbated by climate change has led to 600 separate fires, including the second and third largest in state history, which have killed seven people thus far. More than one million acres have burned, three times the annual average, just in the last nine days. More than 100,000 people have been evacuated. Even as the coronavirus pandemic increases respiratory illness, air quality has been fouled for tens of millions across the West.

Read more here.

The Trump Party’s Festival of Fear

The 2020 Republican National Convention ostensibly opened last night, but few Republican leaders or ideas traditionally associated with the party were on display. Instead, viewers entered into the fevered world of the GOP’s replacement: the Trump Party.
Much of the show, naturally, featured Trump himself. Often his disembodied voice bellowed familiar slogans and boasts against a backdrop of American flags, syrupy music and canned applause. Especially cringeworthy were several scenes in which “ordinary Americans” gathered, maskless, around the Great Man himself, who beamed benignly as they heaped fulsome praise on his heroic services to America. “I am so in awe of your leadership,” gushed a woman who identified herself as a nurse.
The spectacle was a dreary reminder that the Trump Party inhabits an alternate political universe, constructed by Fox News –its Pravda — and other right-wing media, where life’s discomforting realities and complexities are not allowed to intrude. And despite Trump’s promises of a “positive” and hopeful convention, the dominant notes were fear and anger.
Although she wasn’t billed as such, the real keynoter of the night was Donald Trump, Jr.’s girlfriend, Kimberly Guilfoyle. She glowered and shouted her way through a long harangue against the Trump Party’s stock villains: socialists, the media, cancel culture, cosmopolitan elites, rioters and Democrats who “want to destroy our country.”
Some other takeaways from last night’s festival of fear:
  • Team Trump is deeply worried that voters will hold the president responsible for bungling the nation’s response to coronavirus pandemic. Much of the show was devoted to testimony from nurses and doctors attesting to Trump’s “decisive leadership” in combatting the virus. That was one of the night’s mantras, alongside the equally implausible claim that Trump had built “the greatest economy the world has ever known” before the pandemic.
  • Racially tinged cultural themes, especially law and order, will again be front and center. Speaker after speaker accused Democrats, falsely, of wanting to “defund the police.” Mark and Patricia McCloskey, the St. Louis couple charged with pointing a gun at protesters, warned that “your family will not be safe in the radical Democrats’ America.” For good measure, they accused Joe Biden and the Democrats of “encouraging anarchy and chaos on our streets,” scheming to deprive people of their gun rights and “abolish the suburbs by ending single family zoning.”
  • In lieu of a governing philosophy and agenda, the Trump Party has a laager mentality. It feels culturally besieged and is held together only by a visceral hatred of the “liberal” media, Democrats and what America is becoming – a multiethnic democracy no longer dominated by descendants of immigrants from northern Europe. It exists not to govern – the party didn’t even bother to produce a platform – but to keep its enemies from governing.
For progressives, the good news in all this is that the Trump Party has little interest in persuasion. It’s aiming its appeals at the dwindling ranks of white, blue collar voters who put Trump over the top – by an excruciatingly thin margin of 77,000 votes – in the Electoral College in 2016. It’s doubling down on intensifying a sense of white grievance to hold back the inexorable tide of America’s changing demography.

PODCAST: Congressman Don Beyer on the Path Out of the COVID-19 Economic Crisis

PPI President Will Marshall and Ben Ritz from the Center for Funding America’s Future are joined by Congressman Don Beyer (VA-8), Vice Chair of the Joint Economic Committee, to talk about the fiscal health of the United States, the path out of the economic crisis caused by COVID-19, the role automatic stabilizers should play as America works to build a resilient recovery, and the Worker Relief and Security Act.

Listen on Breaker.

Listen on Google Podcasts.

Listen on Overcast.

Listen on Pocket Casts.

Listen on Radio Public.

Listen on Spotify.

New Report Calls on Congress to Make Telehealth Reforms Permanent, Applauded by Bipartisan Pair of U.S. Senators

Contact: Carter Christensen, cchristensen@ppionline.org

WASHINGTON, D.C. – The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) has released a new white paper in partnership with Americans for Prosperity (AFP), calling on Congress to make telehealth reforms permanent amid and after the COVID-19 emergency — an unlikely partnership in a time of great need for innovation and leadership.

A bipartisan pair of Senators shared support of the findings of the new report — Sen. Roger Wicker (R-MS) and Sen. Brian Schatz (D-HI), have worked across party lines to advance telehealth across the country.

Sen. Brian Schatz (D-HI) said, “As this paper shows, telehealth is a rare area with strong bipartisan support and it’s here to stay. While we have made some progress in Congress on expanding access to telehealth during this pandemic, we have more work to do to make these changes permanent and allow more patients to continue receiving the critical health care they need wherever they are.”

Sen. Roger Wicker (R-MS) said, “It is refreshing to see two groups with such different perspectives come together to support greater access to telehealth. When Senator Schatz and I started our telehealth working group years ago, we chose to work on bipartisan policy that would improve access to health care and save lives. We will continue to work together to ensure Americans can enjoy the benefits of telehealth for years to come.”

Numerous citizen organizations are urging congressional leaders to make other temporary Medicare telehealth changes permanent, as are a growing number of lawmakers – including a bipartisan group of 29 U.S. senators.15 Meanwhile, numerous lawmakers have introduced legislation, including the bipartisan CONNECT for Health Act, which would grant CMS standing authority to make a number of positive changes on a permanent basis.16

Here are the specific policies that AFP and PPI recommend Congress make permanent:

• Continue allowing patients to use telehealth outside of rural areas and at home.

• Continue allowing providers to deliver care to both established and new patients.

• Continue allowing licensed providers to practice across state lines.

• Continue allowing health care providers to use store-and-forward technologies where medically appropriate.

• Do not impose payment parity for telehealth services versus those provided in person.

The Promise of Telehealth Beyond the Emergency

In the past few months, millions of Americans have experienced a first, tantalizing glimpse of the promise of telehealth.1

The use of telehealth – the remote delivery of care and monitoring of patients’ health using digital telecommunications tools – has surged during the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic, as policymakers and insurers across the country have eased restrictions on these tools in order to slow the spread of the novel coronavirus, for which humans have no immunity. Digital encounters can help people avoid unnecessary in-person contacts and receive care at home instead of a potentially overwhelmed hospital or clinic.

As a result of numerous policy changes at the state and federal levels, the use of telehealth has grown faster in the past five months than in the preceding 25 years. During this time:

• Nationally, nearly one in two consumers have used telehealth to replace a cancelled in-person appointment.2

• More than 11.3 million Medicare enrollees have accessed care from the comfort and safety of their own homes, up from nearly zero the year before.3

• American veterans have availed themselves of 1.1 million telehealth visits through the Veterans Administration.4

Most of the current telehealth expansions are temporary and will expire with the end of the current public health emergency declaration.5 A key question arises: Should the reforms be made permanent?

Although our two organizations differ on many health policy issues, on this question we agree. The current, temporary telehealth reforms are good for patients and should be made permanent.

In this paper, we will explain why we think telehealth is valuable and give a high-level overview of the recent policy changes. We’ll also explain why the adoption of telehealth has been slow until now and identify reforms we believe should be made permanent. Finally, we’ll recommend additional policy changes that could help further promote the promise of telehealth. Our hope is that our writing this paper together will persuade state and federal policymakers to make that promise a reality for patients.

SECTION 01

Why is telehealth valuable?

Telehealth can save time, money, and most importantly lives. Studies show that digitally delivered care typically costs only about half of the cost of services provided in doctors’ offices and urgent care clinics6 and can dramatically reduce unnecessary emergency room trips for patients with chronic conditions.7

On a more personal level, the promise of telehealth takes many forms. To access health care conveniently from the comfort of home, for example, or to have one’s vital signs monitored remotely in real time, to check in with a doctor or nurse with a question without having to take time off work, or to send a photo or email to your doctor for review and go on about your business – these are just some of the ways in which modern telecommunications tools can make life better for people.

Real-time forms of care, such as two-way video, can obviously help slow a contagion by reducing personal contact. But asynchronous forms of care, such as recorded video and so-called store-and-forward systems, can also be very helpful, especially when a matter is non-urgent. For example, in ophthalmology, people may have a question about a prescription lens renewal. Or in dermatology, they might want to have a rash or mole examined at the provider’s convenience.

The real question is not whether telehealth is valuable, but why it isn’t already a standard feature of modern medicine.

SECTION 02

Why has telehealth adoption been slow until now?

Until this year, America has been slow to adopt telehealth. Although private payers have been quicker than public payers to cover telehealth services, overall adoption has been modest. Why? Primarily because of barriers erected by various stakeholders, often in the name of assuring quality and safety for patients. This has been done despite a growing body of evidence that telehealth improves clinical outcomes.8

For example, the substitution of digital tools for in-person care has long faced skepticism from private insurers and Medicare, as well as some state regulators, who fear widespread adoption will lead to overutilization and fraud. Some physician groups, too, have feared it could disrupt existing practice patterns and have a negative effect on their members’ incomes.

At the same time, state professional licensure laws have limited the provision of remote care by health professionals licensed out-of-state.

Admittedly, until this year patients do not seem to have been clamoring for access to telehealth. But with the pandemic, that appears to be changing. While an April 2020 survey found that just 32 percent of Americans had ever used a telehealth service, by May that number had risen to 44 percent, with 80 percent of Americans agreeing with the statement that Covid-19 had made telehealth “an indispensable part” of the healthcare system.9 Sixty-five percent said they believe they will use telehealth services after the pandemic is over.10

SECTION 03

What policy changes have been made in recent months?

Federal Actions:  In non-emergency times, Medicare’s ability to expand coverage to telehealth is quite limited. Services may only originate from inside an officially designated rural health professional shortage area, and from a statutorily allowed setting, which with very limited exceptions does not include the patient’s home. There are rules limiting what types of providers may deliver telehealth services, and requiring that telehealth be delivered by a real-time, two-way, audio-video connection. Other technologies, such as audio-only telephone calls and secure private emails, are not covered. Neither are asynchronous (store-and-forward) tools or remote monitoring of patients’ vital signs. On top of all this, the patient must have a prior existing relationship with the provider before he or she can use telehealth with that provider.11

In late January of this year, after the federal Department of Health and Human Services officially declared the spread of Covid-19 to be a public health emergency and Congress provided authority to waive statutory restrictions on telehealth during the pandemic, the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) used those emergency powers to dramatically expand the telehealth services covered by Medicare and the digital platforms that may be used to provide care via telehealth. The agency also increased the amounts paid for telehealth visits and allowed providers to bill for services provided across state lines. Medicare officials also doubled the list of telehealth-provided services that Medicare will cover, including therapy services, emergency department visits, initial nursing facility and discharge visits, and home visits outside of rural shortage areas.12

Under the CARES Act, Congress liberalized the statute governing health savings accounts (HSAs) to allow patients to receive first-dollar coverage of telehealth services (meaning without having to first meet a deductible) through the end of 2021.13

State actions: Prior to the pandemic, almost all state Medicaid programs covered some telehealth services provided via live video; otherwise, state laws on telehealth varied dramatically. When the pandemic struck, all states eased at least some restrictions on telehealth, and 48 of them temporarily reduced some or all of their licensing requirements for out-of-state health care providers, making it easier for providers to treat patients across state lines. A couple of noteworthy examples: 1) Maryland expanded the state’s definition of telehealth to include audio-only and store-and-forward technology – affecting all payers in the state, not just the Medicaid program. 2) New Hampshire permanently expanded telehealth benefits to all of its Medicaid recipients, not just underserved communities as had been allowed previously, and removed location limits on providers.

Private payer actions: Many private insurers increased their coverage and reimbursement rates for telehealth services. Humana, for example, is waiving all copays for tele-primary care and tele-behavioral health visits for its Medicare Advantage members. Furthermore, many private health plans are voluntarily mirroring the government’s policies, or even going beyond them. Some states (California, for example) are pressuring private insurers to expand telehealth coverage, while others require them to do so.

Provider actions: Doctors and hospitals that have not previously offered telehealth services have been scrambling to adapt, both to make up for lost revenue as elective procedures have been put on hold and to safely maintain patient care. And some providers are restructuring their business models to make telehealth a permanent option for patients who pay out-ofpocket rather than through insurance.

SECTION 04

Which policy changes should remain in place?

As we’ve said, most of the recent policy changes are temporary. In light of the experience of the past few months, and the benefit to patients, it would be exceedingly odd to go back to the pre-Covid status quo. Happily, a consensus seems to be forming in favor of making those gains permanent. The Medicare agency has recently announced that it will make its newly added telehealth codes permanent, something it has the power to do under existing law, separate and apart from its temporary emergency powers.14 And numerous citizen organizations are urging congressional leaders to make other temporary Medicare telehealth changes permanent, as are a growing number of lawmakers – including a bipartisan group of 29 U.S. senators.15 Meanwhile, numerous lawmakers have introduced legislation, including the bipartisan CONNECT for Health Act, which would grant CMS standing authority to make a number of positive changes on a permanent basis.16

Here are the specific policies that we recommend Congress make permanent.

• Continue allowing patients to use telehealth outside of rural areas and at home.

• Continue allowing providers to deliver care to both established and new patients.

• Continue allowing licensed providers to practice across state lines. Because states typically require that providers must be licensed in the state where the patient is located, current law would require providers keep multiple active licenses in order to serve patients residing in other states. Though CMS has temporarily lifted these licensing rules for Medicare patients, after the Covid crisis passes federal legislation should empower providers to use their own location as the nexus in which care takes place for the purposes of payment – making treating patients across state lines more accessible.

Continue allowing health care providers to use store-and-forward technologies where medically appropriate.

Do not impose payment parity for telehealth services versus those provided in person. To encourage telehealth adoption and to ease the financial strain of the pandemic, Medicare is currently reimbursing health care providers for telehealth services as if provided in-person. This makes sense during a public health crisis where the goal is to encourage telehealth use, but at other time there’s little reason to peg remote rates to in-person rates. Part of the promise of telehealth is that it can reduce costs. For example, when care is provided remotely, providers don’t have to clean exam rooms, waiting rooms, and other spaces. Reimbursement should reflect these savings.

SECTION 05

Additional policies that would increase access:

We also recommend the following reforms that go beyond what Medicare has done to-date.

States, too, should allow health care providers to practice across state lines. Medical protectionism makes no sense in a digital age. Because professional licensure is primarily a state responsibility, states should remove licensing barriers that prevent out-of-state doctors and nurses from delivering care to in-state residents. States can do this unilaterally by automatically recognizing out-of-state licenses or by entering into multistate compacts, the members of which agree to recognize each other’s licenses.

Expand broadband access. Except for audio-only (telephone) visits, telehealth requires fast and reliable broadband internet access. Though Congress and the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) have funded such access through the Covid-19 Telehealth Program and the Rural Digital Opportunity Fund, broadband connectivity still lags in some parts of the country. Structural changes, like reducing the bureaucratic and regulatory obstacles to getting more providers involved, will help more people realize the potential of telehealth.

Study the outcomes. The Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) should use the change in health care delivery as an opportunity to analyze the effectiveness of telehealth. It is important to study the effects of recent changes on utilization, access, and costs to inform future policy making. However, Congress should not allow the appropriate desire for further study to stand in the way of quickly implementing reforms that expand patients’ access to telehealth services.

Remove barriers to affordable care. The ultimate goal of all health reform efforts should be to ensure that everyone has access to the high-quality health care they need, when they need it, at a price they can afford. Telehealth can help with that, to be sure, but policy makers should also adopt sensible reforms that reduce costs and expand access to affordable care and coverage for everyone.

Conclusion

Widespread adoption of telehealth services during the Covid-19 pandemic has given millions of Americans their first real taste of the promise of telehealth. To be sure, there will always be a role for in-person care. And telehealth is not a panacea for the widely acknowledged failings of the U.S. health care system. But it is a very powerful tool, one that holds great promise to make life better for patients and especially for those who are elderly or infirm or who simply find in-person visits a challenge. But for that promise to become a reality, payers and policymakers must act. They must break down the regulatory and legal barriers that stand in the way of affordable, widespread access to telehealth. This is not a left-right issue. Our organizations stand together, ready to help America realize the promise of telehealth beyond the emergency.

 

This paper was written by Arielle Kane Director of Health Care, Progressive Policy Institute and Dean Clancy Senior Health Policy Fellow, Americans for Prosperity. 

The Covid-19 Crisis Shows Why We Need A National Resilience Council

The Progressive Policy Institute, where I serve as chief economic strategist, just put out a report entitled “Building American Resilience: A Roadmap for Recovery After COVID-19.” The report covers a wide range of topics, ranging from manufacturing (discussed below), to education, to health care, to small business, to metro area fiscal policy to the gig economy.

The report makes the argument that resilience—the ability to respond well to disruptive shocks such as pandemics, wars, and climate changes—is a public good that benefits everyone. Left to their own devices, private sector businesses will underinvest in resilience because they can’t capture all the benefits. Just to give an obvious example, no rational company would build an extra production line for N95 mask or mask material that isn’t needed in normal times, just on the off chance of a pandemic. Nor would a rational company invest in developing a process for making N95 masks faster and more cheaply.

Resilience rightly needs to be an explicit goal of public policy. That’s why the report advocates setting up a high-level National Resilience Council, tasked with identifying those industries and capabilities that are strategic, in the sense of improving the ability of the U.S. economy to deal with disruptive shocks. The National Resilience Council would certainly not be anti-trade, because globalization is often a good way to distribute risk. But it would follow a rigorous process of scrutinizing the reliance of the U.S. on foreign suppliers who might not be available in a crisis.

Read more here.

How to build American resilience

For Americans and much of the world, 2020 has been an annus horribilis. To contain the coronavirus pandemic, nations have been forced to order mass quarantines, freezing economic activity and social life. It likely will take decades to calculate the full human, economic and psychic costs of this still-unfolding global calamity.

Few countries have been spared the ravages of COVID-19, but no country has been hit harder than the United States. A quarter of the 20 million people the virus has infected globally are American, and at 165,000, our death toll is by far the world’s largest.

The plague has put the world’s biggest economy on life support. After shrinking by 5 percent in the first quarter of 2020, U.S. output plunged by nearly 10 percent in the second quarter. Since March, more than 42 million Americans have filed for unemployment, and as many as one in six (about 25 million) remain out of full-time work.

Amid this unprecedented public health and economic crisis an old American dilemma – racial injustice – has reared its head. The senseless killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor and other Black Americans by police has triggered widespread public outrage and sometimes violent protests.

Intensifying all three of these shocks is a catastrophic failure of national leadership. In America’s past tribulations, extraordinary leaders have arisen to steer our republic through the storm. Not this time. President Trump has run the ship of state aground.

His incompetent handling of COVID-19 has prolonged the pandemic and pushed our economy to the brink of collapse. As demonstrations against police brutality and racial discrimination tear at the nation’s social fabric, Trump has displayed a perverse talent for inciting social rancor and pitting Americans against each other.

Now, with a crucial national election approaching this fall, Trump is trying to deny Americans the right to vote safely at home. He’s falsely crying fraud to undermine public confidence in the legitimacy of our electoral system.

No wonder Americans’ nerves are frayed. The impression grows, here and abroad, that our country is becoming a failed state.

But that’s wrong. The United States remains a resourceful and dynamic country capable of swift course corrections. Time and again, we’ve showed that a free people can bounce back from adversity stronger than before. Now it’s time to reinvent ourselves again.

Read the full piece here.

Statement on Joe Biden’s Selection of Kamala Harris as Running Mate

WASHINGTON, D.C. – The Progressive Policy Institute released the following statement on the selection of Kamala Harris as Joe Biden’s vice president.

“Joe Biden composed a strong field of candidates for the job, and in Sen. Kamala Harris, he has made a characteristically solid choice. In doing so, the presumptive nominee has balanced his ticket as Barack Obama balanced his, which is important given the Democratic Party’s mosaic of diversity. He has kept faith with the African American voters who turned his primary campaign around in South Carolina, and with women voters whose growing dissatisfaction with President Trump has propelled Biden into leads in national polling. And in the California Senator he has picked an experienced leader who could step into his shoes if necessary – and someone infinitely more fit to serve in the White House than its current occupant.

“Biden-Harris: it’s a formidable ticket that faithfully reflects the broad, Big Church coalition Democrats will need to evict Donald Trump and Mike Pence from the White House in November.”

Make America #1 in Electric Vehicles

Achieving U.S. climate resilience requires a dynamic and unprecedented American clean energy transition, including large investments in zero-emissions infrastructure and clean energy manufacturing — the fastest growing global manufacturing sector set to attract $10 trillion in investment by 2050.

A new report from the Progressive Policy Institute finds the U.S. has the opportunity to build tens of millions of new electric vehicles, charging stations, and the advanced electric grid to serve them, as well as upgrading our roads, bridges, high-speed internet, ports, and public transport to fulfill this clean energy vision. The Covid-19 economic and unemployment crisis has only intensified the political imperative to create millions of these new, clean energy jobs, with a particular emphasis on well-paid manufacturing.

In his 2016 campaign, Donald Trump famously promised to revitalize American manufacturing and rebuild our crumbling infrastructure. But as president he has done neither one. In fact, U.S. manufacturing declined deeply during each quarter of 2019, long before the coronavirus reached our country.

Now former Vice President Joe Biden and other Democrats have put clean energy at the center of bold blueprints for reviving the comatose U.S. economy. The House last month passed a $1.5 trillion infrastructure and tax package, and Biden recently unveiled his $2 trillion “Build Back Better” plan. But ambitious as these proposals are, they do not offer a detailed roadmap for making America the global leader in the key clean energy technologies, especially electric vehicles, and related technologies like an advanced electricity grid and storage.

Yet the mass commercialization of electric vehicles is key to cutting the largest source of U.S. greenhouse gas emissions, making America’s air cleaner and healthier, ending dependence on foreign oil, and bringing about a resurgence of the U.S. auto industry and American manufacturing jobs.

Until we are producing American-made vehicles that can beat oil-burning cars on price and consumer appeal over the long-term, the clean energy transition in the key transport sector will not gain speed. We need a muscular new vision of America’s clean energy infrastructure and manufacturing sector creating millions of good new jobs. This is modern equivalent of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s “Arsenal of Democracy”— helping to solve many of our economic, manufacturing, trade and environmental problems together.

The United States can’t afford to forfeit the lead on electric vehicles to China, as has happened with other clean energy technologies. For example, China in 2008 devoted half its total $650 billion stimulus to manufacturing PV solar panels and lithium ion batteries, growing China’s PV solar panel global market share from less than 30% to about 70% today.

Cars are far more important to America’s economy and national identity than solar panels. Thanks to heavy investments in electric vehicle technology, China already is dominating the emerging global EV market, with over 50% of global production, and 73% of the EV battery market. Meanwhile, the US produces fewer than 20% of EVs. Industry experts predict that electric vehicles will be the key to auto industry growth over the next years and decades—from less than two million EVs today to more than 30 million by 2030—representing the world’s most important new manufacturing market.

But today, most Americans cannot afford the excellent but more expensive EVs that dominate the U.S. market. And the EVs that are affordable are not available in models—especially SUVs, minivans and light trucks—that most U.S. consumers prefer, and that provide higher profit margins for automakers.

America needs a new approach to the electrification of transport – a comprehensive program to jumpstart the production and purchase of the electric cars and trucks Americans want and can afford. The existing federal consumer tax credit of $7,500 per EV has reached a cap of 200,000 for GM and Telsa, the largest US producers. While Democrats
in Congress have proposed raising the cap per manufacturer, this minor change won’t drive large and rapid electrification of the U.S. fleet. And Republicans have (hypocritically but successfully) attacked the current tax credit as a government giveaway for “Tesla millionaires” that favor only the richest consumers.

Instead, Congress should provide average American consumers much larger tax credits for purchase of affordable U.S.-made EVs, including models Americans actually want, especially minivans, SUVs, and light trucks. This means dedicating large consumer tax credits to the purchase of more affordable EVs with an emphasis on high-volume model types on graduated scale as follows: $15K credit for vehicles under $35k: $7.5k for EVs under $50k; $2.5k under $75k and $1.5k under $100k. A version of this PPI approach has been crafted into legislation by US Rep. Jackie Speier; the bill has over 30 cosponsors but, the tax credit must be applied to SUVs and trucks to achieve volume and scale and gain broad bipartisan support.

Buyers should also get to use the EV credit over a 5-year period, or apply the credit at the point of sale, making it more applicable to average income buyers who lack large tax liability. Additional measures should include extra tax incentives for trade-in’s to rapidly turn over the non-EV fleet (“cash for clunkers”) and requiring the federal government fleet to purchase U.S.-made EVs. And infrastructure legislation must provide strong incentives for electric charging stations, advanced electric grid and storage.

The rapid retooling at GM and Ford to build ventilators and masks to address the Covid-19 crisis illustrates the ability of automakers to adapt to new market demands and government incentives. In fact, many these plants had been making hybrid car batteries.

With nearly 20 million people out of work, America must create millions of new jobs by investing in an infrastructure-led manufacturing recovery through federal legislation just as we did in the 1930s New Deal, the 1950s Interstate Highway System, 1960’s through NASA and the 2009 American Recovery and Reinvestment Act. We must also train workers in technology and manufacturing skills through high schools and community colleges, focused where unemployment is highest, in direct cooperation with EV and other clean energy employers.

America has led the world in auto innovation for most of the last century. We must do so again in a new era. U.S.-made EVs are crucial to climate resilience, the U.S. economic rebound and gaining broader political support for the clean energy transition. It’s time to act.