Long-term U.S. Productivity Growth and Mobile Broadband: The Road Ahead

The next generation of wireless is on the horizon.1 While the standards for 5G are not yet finalized, it’s clear that when 5G does arrive, it will mean faster streaming video, lower latency, and higher capacity. Companies such as AT&T, Verizon, T-Mobile, Ericsson and Nokia are in test mode, with widespread consumer rollout of 5G expected by 2020, or perhaps earlier.

At the same time, the attention of the mobile providers is focused on the spectrum auctions scheduled to start later in 2016. These auctions could make a significant contribution to freeing up spectrum for mobile data, and perhaps help reduce the short-term spectrum deficit.2 Meanwhile, the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) has started exploring the use of “millimeter wave” frequencies (mmW) for mobile services, a move that could potentially open up much more spectrum in the medium- and long-run.3

But nothing is assured. In the short-term, network engineers and others are already indicating that the upcoming auctions are not going to be a complete answer to forestalling capacity crunches in the years ahead. In the medium and long-term, mmW could be the next great swath of spectrum beachfront but the promise of that technology is in its early stages. Policy actions, especially around the availability of spectrum and around business models, can have long lag times. Understanding the broad contours of the long-term relationship between wireless and economic growth may help influence today’s policy decisions.

This paper focuses on 2030 and the potential of future wireless networks to support economic growth in the United States.4 We consider the economic implications of next generation wireless networks for long-term productivity growth and living standards, and relate those to current public policy questions. The result could be an acceleration of productivity growth in the physical industries that adds roughly $2.7 trillion (in 2015 dollars) to U.S. GDP by 2030. This translates into an 11 percent increase in economic output, which is equivalent to boosting the average annual growth rate by 0.7 percentage points.

Download “2016.03-Mandel_Long-term-US-Productivity-Growth-and-Mobile-Broadband_The-Road-Ahead”

PPI WEEKLY WRAP-UP: PPI in Europe, State AGs Abusing Power, & U.S. App Economy Capitol Hill Briefing

PPI IN EUROPE: PPI Chief Economic Strategist Dr. Michael Mandel was in Brussels this week, where he was invited to speak at an event on small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and the Digital Single Market. The event was sponsored by the Swedish, Finnish, Irish and Estonian Permanent Missions to the European Union. While there, he and PPI Executive Director Lindsay Lewis held several meetings with the European Commission.

STATE AGs ABUSING POWER: In an op-ed for RealClearPolicy, Phil Goldberg, Director of the Civil Justice Center at PPI, details the evolution of the role of state attorney general over the last 20 years from mere law enforcer to general policymaker:

“Today, both Democratic and Republican AGs use litigation and the powers of the office to regulate. But with this new responsibility comes new opportunities to breach the public trust.

“A particularly alarming development is AGs’ increasing use of private law firms to sue companies under no-bid contracts where the firms get percentages of the settlements or awards. These arrangements were born out of tobacco litigation in the 1990s and have spread to all sorts of actions, leading to several scandals over the connections between AGs and the firms they hire.

“An aggressive way to address the politicization of the state AG is to have the AG selected by the governor, rather than through a popular election where he or she must raise campaign funds. The states that select their chief law enforcement officers this way have seen fewer scandals. For now, though, states should adopt legislation such as [the Transparency in Private Attorney Contract Act] to ensure that law-enforcement actions brought on behalf of the state put the public good above private profits.”

U.S. APP ECONOMY CAPITOL HILL BRIEFING: Please join PPI and TechNet next Thursdayfor a Capitol Hill breakfast briefing on “App Economy Jobs in the United States.” The event will feature remarks by Congressman Mike Bishop (R-MI), followed by a panel discussion featuring:

  • Dr. Michael Mandel, Chief Economic Strategist, PPI
  • Terry Howerton, CEO, TechNexus Venture Collaborative
  • Ron Klain, Executive Vice President & General Counsel, Revolution, LLC
  • Linda Moore, President & CEO, TechNet
  • Brendan Peter, Vice President, Global Government Relations, CA Technologies
  • Karl Rectanus, CEO, Lea(R)n
Thursday, March 3, 2016
10AM to 11:30AM
2226 Rayburn House Office Building
 
RSVP to rsvp@technet.org

Where innovation is falling short

The Kauffman Foundation has just published a new book, entitled The New Entrepreneurial Growth Agenda. It is packed full of great essays examining the reasons behind today’s slowdown in growth, innovation, and entrepreneurship, and how these worrisome trends can be reversed.

I’m honored to have an essay in this volume, “Where is Innovation Falling Short?: Using Labor Market Indicators to Map the Successful Innovation Frontier.” In this essay, I suggest that the US is suffering from “uneven innovation.” In areas such as IT, robotics, and oil/gas exploration and production, the innovation frontier is expanding very rapidly. Meanwhile regulatory headwinds, among other factors, has held back the innovation frontier in other critical areas, such as biosciences and materials sciences.To support this argument, the essay uses a new approach based on labor market indicators—specifically, occupational employment from government surveys and online help-wanted ads from aggregators—to map out areas of successful innovation in detail.

This essay was discussed by Greg Ip in the Wall Street Journal last August in a piece called “Beyond the Internet, Innovation Struggles”. In future blog posts, I’m going to discuss the policy and political implications of this analysis.

PRESS RELEASE — PPI President: Law Enforcement Has Not Met Burden of Proof on Encryption

WASHINGTON—PPI President Will Marshall today released the following statement after a U.S. federal magistrate ordered Apple to help the Federal Bureau of Investigation unlock the encrypted iPhone of one of the San Bernardino shooters:

“The Progressive Policy Institute has long advocated a forceful U.S. response to the threat of jihadist terrorism. With the rise and spread of the so-called Islamic State, that threat has grown more acute than ever. That’s why we are usually inclined to give U.S. intelligence, military and law enforcement agencies the benefit of the doubt when they seek new tools to keep us safe.

“However, a federal court’s demand that Apple weaken encryption for its iPhones gives us pause. For many Americans, it may seem intuitively obvious that law enforcement should be able to ‘unlock’ a dead terrorists’ cellphone. But weaker encryption wouldn’t just apply to terrorists and criminals; it would jeopardize the privacy of any American with a smart phone.

“What’s more, other governments would doubtless follow Washington’s lead in demanding that phone makers develop software to help them get around encryption. We don’t want to endanger human rights and democracy activists around the world by giving dictators and authoritarian regimes new tools for surveillance and repression.

“We recognize that there is always a trade-off between privacy and security. To justify exposing the private communications of citizens to government scrutiny, U.S. security agencies would have to offer compelling evidence that gathering data from smart phones is essential to defusing the terrorist threat.  In our view, they have yet to meet this burden of proof.”

###

Democracy: A New Kind of Public Works

Barack Obama is thinking big as his presidency enters the final stretch. The centerpiece of his last budget, unveiled this week, is a $300 billion plan for a “clean transportation system”—the biggest federal infrastructure push since President Eisenhower launched the interstate highway system. Here at last is a fix that’s equal to the magnitude of America’s immobility crisis. In polarized Washington, however, it’s going nowhere.

Obama’s proposal would effectively double U.S. transportation spending, paying for it with a $10-per-barrel oil tax. There’s no way a Republican-dominated Congress will vote for a new energy tax, even with oil prices down to around $30 a barrel. House Speaker Paul Ryan already has dismissed the plan as “an election-year distraction.” Nor can the White House expect many Democratic candidates to rally around what is essentially a middle-class tax hike.

Obama, the arch realist, knows all this. But he seems determined to ensure that two issues on which he’s made frustratingly little headway—clean energy and infrastructure investment—stay high on the nation’s political agenda. And if his visionary proposal injects these issues into campaign 2016, so much the better.

It’s hard to imagine a more urgent national priority than modernizing America’s decrepit transportation and water systems and updating our energy-wasting electrical grid.

With our economy stuck in low gear six years into “recovery,” making such investments now should be a no-brainer. It’s a proven way to create good middle-class jobs, boost the productivity of U.S. businesses and workers, and lay new foundations for future growth.

The deterioration of our country’s economic infrastructure has long been glaringly obvious, but U.S. political leaders have failed to coalesce behind policies for reversing it. A big reason is that Congress is controlled by a new breed of Republicans who regard all federal spending with kneejerk hostility. Conservative lawmakers seem to have lost the ability to distinguish between investments that generate tangible economic returns to society and spending that fuels present consumption.

Continue reading at Democracy.

Financial Times: Democrats struggle to harness economic feelgood factor

Will Marshall, president of the Progressive Policy Institute, said that once Democratic strategists have moved past the primaries and into the general election they will need to portray a hopeful economic picture to voters — learning from the 2014 midterm elections in which he said the party had failed to capitalize on economic improvements under Obama.

The great issue in this campaign remains the great stagnation — the slow growth trends in this century,” he said. “But it is not for a semi-incumbent [like Mrs Clinton] to bemoan how terrible things are. You have to give people a sense of hope that the policies put in place in the last eight years have begun to put the country back on the path of full recovery.”

To read more, go to the Financial Times.

Politico: Presidential Politics Loom over TPP Signing

Ed Gerwin, PPI’s senior fellow for trade and global opportunity is quoted in Politico talking about how U.S. elections are effecting TPP negotiations:

As the agreement was inked Wednesday, contrarians argue the tough campaign talk on TPP may actually encourage congressional Republicans to embrace it, fearing a historic missed opportunity to anchor the United States strategically and economically in China’s backyard if they fail to act, Pro Trade’s Doug Palmer reports.

“I think the negative views of many presidential candidates create tremendous pressure to get it done this year,” said Ed Gerwin, a senior fellow at the Progressive Policy Institute, a moderate Democratic think tank.

Otherwise, the agreement could remain on the back burner as a new president assembles his or her administration and decides whether to reopen negotiations, Gerwin said. There’s also the risk the deal could never become law at all.

To read more, go to Politico.

App Economy Jobs in Europe–Methodology and References

Methodology

As noted in Part 1, we have developed a new, standardized methodology for estimating App Economy employment. This methodology can be applied to a wide variety of countries, languages, and economic environments. The methodology uses online job postings for workers with app-related skills as a real-time measure of App Economy employment. We benchmark this data against official government statistics in order to eliminate many of the well-known problems connected with using big data to measure economic variables.

Our new globally uniform methodology is built on a strong base of previous research, starting with the widely cited 2012 paper, “Where the Jobs Are: The App Economy” (see full list of previous studies at end of document). For this study, a worker is in the App Economy if he or she is in:

  • An ICT-related job that uses App Economy skills—the ability to develop, maintain, or support mobile applications. We will call this a “core” App Economy job.
  • A non-ICT job (such as human resources, marketing, or management) that supports app developers in the same enterprise. We will call this an “indirect” App Economy job.
  • A job in the local economy that is supported by core or indirect App Economy jobs. We will call this a “spillover” job.

Continue reading “App Economy Jobs in Europe–Methodology and References”

App Economy Jobs In Europe (Part 1)

Michael Mandel [i]

In this report, we estimate that the European Union, plus Switzerland and Norway, has a surprising 1.64 million App Economy jobs as of January 2016–a sign of a growing and vital tech sector.

This is the second in our series of global App Economy reports. In the first report, released earlier this month, we used the same methodology to estimate that the United States had 1.66 million App Economy jobs, only slightly above Europe.  While Europe still lags by other measures, it’s clear that European companies and workers have been able to take advantage of the global App Economy boom in a very positive way.

Our policy agenda, in doing these reports, is to show how innovation can create jobs globally, a point that is of great interest to both workers and policymakers. Moreover, by developing this data set, we hope to link app-related job growth to government policies in different countries, to understand what can be done to spur innovation-related jobs in the future.

We focus on the App Economy because the introduction of the iPhone in 2007, followed by the opening of the innovative App Store in 2008, created a profound and almost unprecedented economic force.  It was a match made in heaven—handheld powerful computers that were always connected to the Internet, combined with the ability for developers to write and maintain the mobile applications that made smartphones useful.

The App Store was the rare case of an innovation with a clear starting point and immediate global adoption. Moreover,  the innovative design of the App Store lowered the barriers to entry for mobile app developers all around the world.  It created a low-cost mechanism for distributing apps to users that allowed even the smallest of software developers to reap global economies of scale.  In some sense, the App Store was an important step in fostering a global entrepreneurial culture.

At the same time, large companies have realized that mobile apps are the new “front door” to their business, a way of  reaching customers and potential customers. Similarly, we have reached a tipping point where more and more people of all income classes have smartphones,  allowing governments and nonprofits to use mobile apps to deliver social services and as an interface for important citizen interactions. This change, while slow, has reached a tipping point.

Looking forward, the growth of the App Economy is likely to continue, as people increasingly use mobile apps as their interface to their home, cars, schools, and health providers. Indeed, the rise of the Internet of Things will guarantee the need for more and more highly functional and sophisticated apps, serving an essential role in interacting with our environment.

Measuring the App Economy[ii]

 This report on European App Economy employment builds on previous estimates of App Economy jobs around the world,  starting with our February 2012 report “Where the Jobs Are: The App Economy.” Over the past several years, we have documented the enormous number of jobs created by the App Economy in developed countries such as the United States and Australia, and developing countries such as Vietnam and Indonesia (see past work referenced in “App Economy Jobs in Europe–Methodology and References”).  Other researchers have estimated App Economy employment for Europe and elsewhere.

But as the App Economy grows in significance globally, it becomes essential to have a consistent set of App Economy job estimates so that policymakers can compare their country’s performance with that of other countries. For that reason, we have developed a new, standardized methodology for estimating App Economy employment. This methodology can be applied to a wide variety of countries, languages, and economic environments. The methodology uses online job postings for workers with app-related skills as a real-time measure of App Economy employment. We benchmark this data against official government statistics in order to eliminate many of the well-known problems connected with using big data to measure economic variables. [iii]

Our goal is to produce a set of globally-consistent and credible estimates for App Economy employment by individual countries, by broad geographical regions, and by major cities. The ultimate objective is to be able to track the growth of the App Economy globally, and to see which countries are benefitting the most. Ideally we should be able to link App Economy growth to policy measures implemented by governments.

This preliminary report on Europe’s App Economy represents the second in a series applying our new universal methodology to countries and regions.  Our analysis includes the 28 countries in the European Union, plus Norway and Switzerland.  Our methodology is described in detail in the accompanying post. A forthcoming blog post, “App Economy Jobs in Europe–Cities (part 2),” not yet available, will estimate App Economy employment in major European cities.

Results

Our analysis shows that the European App Economy includes 1.64 million jobs as of January 2016. Companies employing workers with App Economy skills include large and small app developers; software and media companies; financial and retail companies; industrial companies; health and education enterprises; leading European and non-European tech companies; nonprofits and government suppliers; and large accounting and consulting firms.

 


 

Table 1:  The European App Economy, January 2016

Millions of jobs
EU-28 plus Norway and Switzerland 1.64
EU-28 1.57

Data: Progressive Policy Institute, Indeed, public job postings


For this study, a worker is in the App Economy if he or she is in:

• An information and communications technology (ICT)-related job that uses App Economy skills—the ability to develop, maintain, or support mobile applications. We will call this a “core” App Economy job. Core app economy jobs include app developers; software engineers whose work requires knowledge of mobile applications; security engineers who help keep mobile apps safe from being hacked; and help desk workers who support use of mobile apps.

• A non-ICT job (such as human resources, marketing, or sales) that supports core app economy jobs in the same enterprise. We will call this an “indirect” App Economy job.

• A job in the local economy that is supported by the income flowing to core and indirect app economy workers. These “spillover”  jobs include local retail and restaurant jobs, construction jobs, and all the other necessary services.

To estimate the number of core App Economy jobs, we use a multi-step procedure based on data from the universe of online job postings. Our first observation is that online job postings typically describe the skills and knowledge being sought by the employer. For example, if a job posting requires that the job candidate have experience developing apps for iOS—the iPhone/iPad operating system—then we can reasonably conclude that the posting refers to a core App Economy job.

In practice, we compiled a short list of key words and phrases that would generally be associated with App Economy-related skills. These include iOS, Android, Blackberry, “Windows Phone,” “Windows Mobile,” and app. We applied these search terms to the real-time database of job postings developed by Indeed, which gave us an unadjusted count of job postings for core App Economy jobs.

However, that’s only the start. Job postings for an occupation are only a fraction of the number of people employed in that occupation, since most positions are not empty. We develop an estimate for the ratio between the number of job postings for ICT jobs and overall ICT employment.  This ratio is applied to the number of app economy job postings to generate a provisional estimate of core app economy employment. Crucially, we use a validation procedure to ensure that we are actually counting job postings that correspond to core app economy jobs. We use a conservative estimate of the indirect and spillover effects.[iv]

App Economy Jobs by European Country

As noted above, one of our goals is to develop a measure of App Economy jobs by country, in order to assess the relationship between government policies and innovation-driven job growth.  Table 2 below provides estimates of App Economy employment for the top European economies. The United Kingdom ranks first, followed by Germany and France.


 

Table 2:  App Economy Jobs by Country,  January 2016

 Country App Economy jobs, thousands
United Kingdom 321.2
Germany 267.9
France 228.9
Netherlands 125.2
Italy 97.5
Poland 84.3
Spain 78.2
Sweden 67.1
Finland 47.4
Norway 41.6
Denmark 33.4
Switzerland 28.5
Portugal 27.4
Belgium 23.2
Czech Republic 19.7
Romania 19.3
Hungary 15.3
Ireland 13.2
Austria 11.9
European Union 1572
30-country total 1642

 

Data: Progressive Policy Institute, Indeed, ILO

 


 

Before Apple opened the App Store in July 2008,  there was no such thing as an App Economy job. No employer was posting want ads looking for iOS or Android developers; no one was talking about the shortage of mobile app coders.  This has been an incredibly rapid transformation of the job market, paralleling the astounding growth of smartphone usage.

What’s more, the explosion of App Economy jobs came during the deepest recession in more than 75 years. Indeed, these 30 countries are now just making it back to the level of employment that existed in the middle of 2007.  The demand for App Economy skills drove companies to hire new ICT workers–and retain the ones they already had–even during the depth of the recession and the sluggish recovery that followed.

How important has the App Economy been for the European labor market?  That is a tough question to answer quantitatively. But we do note that  France has 229,000 App Economy jobs, only slightly less than the 289,000 net new jobs generated in the country between 2007 and 2015.

Comparisons

A globally consistent methodology is makes it easier to do comparisons across countries. Let’s start by comparing the United States with the EU-28 plus Norway and Switzerland. As noted at the beginning of the study, Europe has generated App Economy jobs at roughly the same pace as the United States, 1.64 million vs 1.66 million.

In other ways, however, Europe still lags behind. We define ‘app intensity’ as App Economy jobs as a percentage of all jobs.  The United States has an average app intensity of 1.2%. By comparison, the European app intensity is 0.7% (Table 3)

 


Table 3: App Economy Matchup: Europe vs the US

App Economy Jobs (millions) App Intensity *
Europe** 1.64 0.7%
United States 1.66 1.2%

*App Economy jobs as a share of all jobs.
**EU-28 plus Switzerland and Norway
Data: Progressive Policy Institute, Indeed,  Eurostat


We can do a similar comparison ranking  European countries by app intensity. Table 4 ranks European countries by app intensity. Finland takes top place with a 1.9% app intensity, showing it to be a small country with a big presence in mobile apps, led by world-class companies such as mobile game makers Rovio Entertainment (maker of the mobile game hit Angry Birds) and Supercell. Norway ranks second, followed by the Netherlands. By way of a measuring stick, the top U.S. state by app intensity is California, at 2.4%.

Germany, which ranks highly on total App Economy jobs, is only average when judged by app intensity. Italy, which is fifth in total App Economy jobs, falls to the bottom of the app intensity listings with 0.4%.

 


Table 4: Ranking European Countries By App Intensity

 Country App Intensity*
Finland 1.9%
Norway 1.6%
Netherlands 1.5%
Sweden 1.4%
Denmark 1.2%
United Kingdom 1.0%
France 0.9%
Ireland 0.7%
Germany 0.7%
Luxembourg 0.6%
Switzerland 0.6%
Portugal 0.6%
Poland 0.5%
Belgium 0.5%
Spain 0.5%
Italy 0.4%
Czech Republic 0.4%
Hungary 0.4%
Austria 0.3%
*App Economy jobs as percentage of all jobs

Data: Progressive Policy Institute, Indeed, Eurostat

 


 

Perspective

We estimate that the European Union plus Norway and Switzerland  has 1.64 million App Economy jobs—does this number make sense? This figure corresponds to roughly 547,000 core App Economy jobs. By comparison, we estimate this 30-country area has roughly 5.9 million workers in all ICT occupations.[v] As a result, roughly 9 percent of ICT jobs in Europe are associated with the App Economy.

A similar calculation for the US  shows roughly 11 percent of ICT jobs associated with the App Economy. Based on informal discussions with tech executives, neither of these numbers seem out of line. They suggest that Europe is developing a vibrant App Economy, just at a somewhat slower rate than the United States. Moreover, there is plenty of room for the number of App Economy jobs to continue to rise as apps take a central role in the Internet of Things.

 

Mobile Operating Systems

Many App Economy job postings list a mobile operating system or multiple mobile operating systems that the job candidate is expected to be familiar with. This allows us to assess the distribution of mobile operating systems in the European App Economy.


 

Table 5: European App Economy Jobs by Operating System

App Economy jobs (thousands) share of all App Economy jobs
iOS ecosystem 1227 75%
Android ecosystem 1223 75%
Blackberry ecosystem 105 6%
Windows Phone/Mobile ecosystem 150 9%

Data: Progressive Policy Institute, Indeed


 

Here’s how the App Economy job numbers in EU-28 plus Norway and Switzerland break down by operating systems.  As of January 2016, we estimate that 75% of App Economy workers in Europe (1.2 million jobs) belong to the iOS ecosystem. This includes iOS specific jobs as well as jobs supporting a combination of iOS and other platforms. The Android ecosystem also accounts for 75% of App Economy workers in Europe (also 1.2 million after rounding).  The Blackberry ecosystem accounts for 6%, while the Windows Phone or Windows Mobile ecosystem accounts for 9%.

The numbers sum to more than 100% because some jobs specify more than one operating system—say, both iOS and/or Android skills. From a policy perspective, the iOS ecosystem is likely to have a larger impact on entrepreneurship and the economy in Europe. That’s because iPhone owners in Europe typically have higher incomes, and iOS apps tend to generate higher revenues for developers.

We can also estimate the number of jobs associated with major mobile operating systems across different countries in Europe. Table 6 is in alphabetical order.

 


 

 Table 6: App Economy Jobs by Country and Major Operating System

Total App Economy jobs (thousands) Jobs belonging to iOS ecosystem (thousands) Jobs belonging to Android ecosystem (thousands)
Austria 12 9 10
Belgium 23 18 16
Czech Republic 20 12 15
Denmark 33 24 26
Finland 47 36 41
France 229 163 172
Germany 268 209 201
Hungary 15 12 11
Ireland 13 11 9
Italy 97 75 79
Netherlands 125 96 99
Norway 42 32 33
Poland 84 49 60
Portugal 27 22 22
Romania 19 12 14
Spain 78 61 66
Sweden 67 54 52
Switzerland 29 23 23
United Kingdom 321 242 206

Data: Progressive Policy Institute, Indeed

 


 

Conclusion

Our analysis shows Europe’s companies and workers have been able to take advantage of the App Economy boom.  Using our new globally-consistent methodology, we estimate that the 28 countries of the European Union plus Switzerland and Norway have been able to generate nearly as many App Economy jobs as the United States since 2008, when the App Store was introduced.  This suggests a positive role for innovation in producing new jobs and new opportunities around the world.

 

 

Notes

[i] With research assistance from Michelle Di Ionno. Indeed bears no responsibility for the analysis in this report.

[ii] For the sake of clarity, this section repeats much of the material in the post “App Economy Jobs in the United States”

[iii] Steve Lohr, “Google Flu Trends: The Limits of Big Data,” New York Times (March 28, 2014).

[iv] We assume that each core app economy job is associated with two additional jobs (combined indirect and spillover). This assumption is low compared to the typical job multiplier found in the literature, which can go as high as 5 or even higher. See, for example, “Job Multipliers: Silicon Valley vs. The Motor City,“ https://www.economicmodeling.com/2012/08/31/job-multipliers-silicon-valley-vs-the-motor-city/

[v] This figure includes ICT managers, ICT professionals and ICT technicians. We derive it from  Figure 2.8 in OECD Digital Economy Outlook 2015.

 

Dallas Business Journal: Texas finds roughly half of its mobile application-related jobs in DFW

The Dallas Business Journal cites data collected by PPI’s chief economic strategist Michael Mandel on the growth of App Economy jobs in Dallas, Texas:

The Progressive Policy Institute based in Washington, D.C., reported that the DFW region comprised 44 percent of the states workforce within the space in the month of December. The data includes development jobs as well as jobs that are indirectly related to the mobile app economy.

‘It was kind of a surprise,’ said Michael Mandel, PPI chief economic strategist, adding that the area is not the first region typically expected to have a high percentage of this specific workforce. ‘We saw a lot of growth in places like Chicago, Dallas and New York – outside the traditional tech areas.’

Read the article in its entirety at Dallas Business Journal.

The Hill: In TPP review, focus on small business and digital trade

With the release of the full text of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement last November, the American people and their representatives now have an extensive opportunity to analyze the specific provisions of the proposed deal. In addition, as required by recent trade legislation, the U.S. International Trade Commission (USITC) is conducting a detailed, independent review of the likely economic impact of the TPP on specific industry sectors and the overall U.S. economy.

In recent comments filed in the USITC investigation, the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) urged the Commission to pay particular attention to the beneficial economic effects of the TPP’s groundbreaking provisions on small business trade, international e-commerce, and the digital economy.

PPI has highlighted in recent reports the transformative role that digital tools—including Internet platforms like eBay—are playing in “democratizing” trade. Increasingly, smaller, digitally enabled American exporters can often sell products and services to customers around the world as easily as their large, established competitors.

But, for the digital economy to continue to transform trade, countries must resist a growing trend toward “digital protectionism.” As PPI’s submission explains, the TPP would support the continued growth of digital trade through groundbreaking rules that would require countries to allow commercial data flows; restrict “data localization” requirements that mandate where data or facilities must be located; and require privacy, consumer protection, and other rules to promote more secure and robust international e-commerce.

PPI’s comments also underscore the importance of the TPP’s many pioneering provisions to help small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) to export. These include the creation of a special committee to assure that the agreement works for SME traders; a requirement that countries create user-friendly digital information portals to assist SME traders; and eliminating or significantly reducing high duties, regulatory barriers, and customs delays that the studies by the Commission and others show can place disproportionate burdens on smaller traders.

PPI’s submission emphasizes that these and other TPP provisions have significant potential to support substantial expansion of American SME exports and economic growth that is shared more widely by more Americans. Studies by the Commission and others have found that smaller firms that export are more productive, hire more employees, and pay higher wages than non-exporting SMEs. And PPI’s own analysis shows that woman- and minority-owned firms that export employ three to five times more workers—and pay salaries some 60 percent higher—than their non-exporting counterparts.

In short, TPP points toward the next frontier in international trade—new opportunities to promote digital trade and engage more small firms and entrepreneurs in global commerce. The International Trade Commission should assess the potential of such new forms of trade to reinvigorate U.S. economic growth and competitiveness.

This is cross-posted from The Hill‘s Congress Blog.

Why Telecom Rate Regulation is a Bad Idea

In 2000, Americans devoted 2.7% of total personal consumption expenditures to telephone, internet, and cable service. Back then, no one had a smartphone, and almost everyone used dial-up to access the Internet.

Today, after 15 years of the greatest communications revolution in history and more than $1 trillion in investment by the telecom and broadcasting industry, many Americans practically live on their devices. And do you know how much we are spending on telephone, internet, and cable service?  A stunning (sarcastic!) 2.9% of consumer spending.

Against this backdrop, the House Subcommittee On Communications and Technology held a hearing on H.R. 2666, the “No Rate Regulation of Broadband Internet Access Act.”  The bill would bar the FCC from imposing rate regulation on the broadband industry. Without taking a position on the legislation itself, we note two points. First, there is literally no evidence that rate regulation is needed. Americans are getting far more telecom services than 15 years ago, while laying out roughly the same share of consumer spending. Second, in the rapidly-changing world of the tech-telecom-content sector, rate regulation is like putting a ball and chain on an Olympic runner.  Economic growth depends on the creation of new markets, products, and services. The need to get rate approval will slow some innovations, and deter others.

In the end, rate regulation is solving a problem that doesn’t exist, while creating new ones.

 

 

 

 

The Wall Street Journal: Marshall on Anger with Wall Street

In his analysis of how the two parties still do not agree what caused the 2008 financial crisis, Nick Timiraos of The Wall Street Journal quotes PPI president Will Marshall:

Anger at Wall Street among primary voters in both parties illustrates how “extreme antibusiness populism on the left is intersecting with extreme antigovernment populism on the right,” said Will Marshall, president of the Progressive Policy Institute, a centrist Democratic think tank.

Read the article in its entirety at The Wall Street Journal.

App Economy–methodology and references (Part 3)

Part 3: App Economy methodology and references: As noted in Part 1, we have developed a new, standardized methodology for estimating App Economy employment. This methodology can be applied to a wide variety of countries, languages, and economic environments. The methodology uses online job postings for workers with app-related skills as a real-time measure of App Economy employment. We benchmark this data against official government statistics in order to eliminate many of the well-known problems connected with using big data to measure economic variables.

Our new globally uniform methodology is built on a strong base of previous research, starting with the widely cited 2012 paper, “Where the Jobs Are: The App Economy” (see full list at end of document). For this study, a worker is in the App Economy if he or she is in:

  • An IT-related job that uses App Economy skills—the ability to develop, maintain, or support mobile applications. We will call this a “core” app economy job.
  • A non-IT job (such as human resources, marketing, or management) that supports app developers in the same enterprise. We will call this an “indirect” app economy job.
  • A job in the local economy that is supported by core or indirect app economy jobs. We will call this a “spillover” job.

Continue reading “App Economy–methodology and references (Part 3)”

Wall Street Journal: The App Economy and Apple

Daisuke Wakabayashi of The Wall Street Journal mentions data collected by PPI’s Michael Mandel, that analyzes America’s app economy, in his analysis of Apple:

Apple said the business of creating apps for its products has created and supported—directly and indirectly—1.9 million jobs in the U.S., nearly three-quarters of them for app creators, software engineers and entrepreneurs. Those estimates are based on research, partly sponsored by Apple, by the Progressive Policy Institute.

Read the article in its entirety at the Wall Street Journal.

 

PPI to Congress: Scrub the SCRUB Act

House Republicans this week are expected to take up the ponderously titled Searching for and Cutting Regulations that are Unnecessarily Burdensome Act (SCRUB) of 2015 (H.R. 1155). The Progressive Policy Institute, a strong advocate for regulatory improvement, urges progressives to oppose this highly partisan bill.

Over the last three years, PPI has worked with reform-minded Democrats and Republicans in Congress, as well as Independent Senator Angus King, to develop a more effective way of dealing with the problem of “regulatory accumulation,” the relentless buildup of rules over time. Sadly, House Republicans have chosen to ignore a bipartisan bill—the Regulatory Improvement Act of 2015 (H.R. 1407)—in favor of the SCRUB Act, a conservative favorite that stands little chance of winning Democratic support.

Both bills have in common the creation of an independent commission charged with winnowing outdated, duplicative or overly burdensome federal regulations. There, the similarities mostly end. And while the House’s latest version of the SCRUB Act clearly has been tweaked in response to criticism from regulatory experts, it still fails on three grounds:

First, the bill caters to conservative demands to roll back existing regulations and make it harder to issue new ones. Rather than mandate careful consideration of rules widely thought to be in need of elimination or improvement, it requires the commission to cut regulatory costs by 15 percent—an arbitrary goal with no clear policy rationale. And while SCRUB’s vague, nonbinding language gives priority to examining “older major rules,” it could open the door to fresh assaults on favorite conservative targets: rules implementing Obamacare, the Dodd-Frank financial reforms, and the Environmental Protection Agency’s Clean Power Plan. The Regulatory Improvement Act, on the other hand, explicitly prohibits consideration of rules less than ten years old by its commission.

Second, the SCRUB Act enshrines a foolishly impractical “Regulatory Cut-Go” mandate. Under this procedure, no federal agency could issue a new rule unless it cut old ones that impose equal “costs” on the economy. The idea is to offset the cost of new regulations by killing old ones. This attempt to make regulation a zero-sum game would create pressures to target cost-effective rules for elimination based on highly imprecise estimates of what a new rule might cost—and with no consideration of the many public benefits of regulation.

Third, the SCRUB Act has zero support among House and Senate Democratic leaders or within the Obama administration. As a conservative “message” vehicle, rather than a serious legislative proposal, the bill will likely die in the Senate before it can be vetoed. In contrast, the House version of the Regulatory Improvement Act introduced by Congressmen Patrick Murphy (D-FL) and Mick Mulvaney (R-SC), has an equal number of Democratic and Republican co-sponsors. Defying the logic of polarization, it builds political support for smarter regulation from the center out.

At the core of this legislation is the Regulatory Improvement Commission—an independent, bipartisan commission under Congressional authority ensuring there is no hidden regulatory agenda. Consisting of nine members appointed by the president and Congress, the commission, after a formal regulatory review, would submit a list of regulatory changes to Congress for an up-or-down vote without amendment. This approach would build political trust and lay the groundwork for further rounds of regulatory review and revision.

Most important of all, the Regulatory Improvement Commission would lift the burden of regulation accumulation from the backs of U.S. workers, businesses, and taxpayers. It would reduce compliance costs and—most crucially—the opportunity costs that accrue when entrepreneurs and business managers spend their energies on complying with unnecessary rules rather than creating value.

PPI urges progressives to support a more politically viable mechanism for improving the regulatory environment for economic innovation and growth—the Regulatory Improvement Act.