Promoting Competition In Pharmaceutical Markets: Is The Biden Executive Order Delivering On The Promise?

In 2021, the Biden administration issued a landmark Executive Order (EO) on competition. A major focus of the EO is the pharmaceutical sector in the U.S., where consumers pay prices for prescription drugs that are significantly higher than in other countries. In deploying a number of policy tools, the sector is a proving ground for the EO’s signature “whole-of-government” approach to promoting competition. However, the approach largely overlooks the critical role of merger control by the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) in the pharmaceutical sector. Merger control is the first line of defense in preventing harmful increases in market concentration that can enhance market power and reduce consumer welfare through higher drug prices, lower quality, and less innovation. In excluding merger control from the policy toolkit, the Biden administration has also missed an important opportunity to revisit the FTC’s longstanding, controversial policy for pharmaceutical mergers. That policy has been to approve virtually all mergers subject to divestitures, which has fostered higher concentration in critical drug markets. This analysis makes the case for why it is time for the Biden administration to take stock and consider a mid-course policy correction in implementing the EO in the pharmaceutical sector.

I. TAKING STOCK OF THE BIDEN ADMINISTRATION’S EXECUTIVE ORDER ON COMPETITION

The availability and affordability of prescription drugs are an essential part of promoting the health, stability, and productivity of the U.S. population. Competition in pharmaceutical R&D that produces new branded drugs, and the entry of generic and biosimilar drugs, plays a leading role in ensuring that medications are accessible and affordable. But anticompetitive strategies can limit competition and reduce consumer welfare through higher drug prices, lower quality, and less innovation. These include “product-hopping” schemes and “pay-for-delay” agreements involving branded drugs coming off-patent, that stifle competition from generics and biosimilars. Pharmaceutical mergers involving generic drug manufacturers that significantly increase market concentration can also lead to outcomes that reduce consumer welfare.

Early on, the Biden administration recognized the challenges of promoting competition in the pharmaceutical sector. For example, the July 2021 Executive Order (EO), Competition in the American Economy,” sets forth a “whole-of-government” approach that is “necessary to address overconcentration, monopolization, and unfair competition in the American economy.” The EO shines a light on the pharmaceutical sector, noting that Americans pay “too much” for prescription drugs, and that they pay far more for drugs than in other countries.

Concerns over competition and drug pricing and access, of course, pre-date the Biden administration. Federal legislative proposals to protect competition and consumers target harmful conduct ranging from anticompetitive agreements that pay generic firms to stay out of a market, to excessive drug pricing. They include, for example, the CREATES Act of 2019, Protecting Consumer Access to Generic Drugs Act of 2019, and Prescription Drug Price Relief Act of 2019. California has also led state efforts to promote competition through legislation that makes pay-for-delay agreements illegal.

The Biden EO frames an ambitious suite of initiatives to address pharmaceutical competition by looking at domestic supply chains, prices paid by the government, generic and biosimilar competition, patent policy, and payment models. An array of executive agencies are tasked with implementation: Health and Human Services and Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, the Food and Drug Administration, and the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office. The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) is also charged with using its rulemaking authority to enforce methods of unfair competition or anticompetitive agreements involving prescription drugs.

The scope of the EO’s approach to pharmaceutical competition appears consistent with “whole-of-government.” Antitrust enforcement is clearly a major policy tool. However, the Biden administration omits a vital prong of antitrust enforcement  merger control  as a first line of defense in addressing pharmaceutical competition and drug pricing concerns. In doing so, the EO also misses an important opportunity to revisit the FTC’s longstanding, troubled policy for reviewing and remedying pharmaceutical mergers.

The omission of important policy tools, or lack of inter-agency coordination, has marked implementation of the whole-of-government approach in other sectors. For example, the U.S. Department of Transportation has not moved to redesign the airport takeoff and landing slot system, or to revisit its approval criteria for airline joint ventures. Both policies are central to promoting competition. The Federal Energy Regulatory Commission has given incumbent natural monopolies in electricity and natural gas precedence in expanding critical infrastructure, a policy that limits competition from other important market players.

This analysis unpacks why a lack of focus on merger control in the pharmaceutical sector is likely to limit the effectiveness of the whole-of-government approach under the Biden administration’s EO. It discusses why a focus on consumer welfare should be a critical policy “lens” through which to view important competition issues; the importance of revisiting merger control in pharmaceutical markets based on past enforcement failures; and the need for a mid-course policy correction.

READ THE FULL ANALYSIS HERE. 

Pankovits for Medium: Senate Democrats Find Their Voice on School Reform

By Tressa Pankovits

A colleague recently observed: “Parents have spoken: The school choice debate is over! Now, the debate is about ‘what’ school choice will look like ¾ will it be truly public, or will taxpayer dollars universally fund selective private schools?”

At PPI, we believe that public school options should be just that: public, free, and open to all. Only public schools can ensure that students do not suffer discrimination or exclusion based on race, religion or any other protected categories.

That’s why we were heartened to see a cadre of U.S. Senate Democrats join Republican Senators John Cornyn (R-Texas), Tim Scott (R-S.C.) Bill Cassidy (R-La.), and Mike Braun (R-Ind.) in sponsoring a bill that would encourage school choice that is truly public ¾ and proven.

Keep reading on Medium.

Marshall for The Hill: Hamas is an occupying force blocking peace in Gaza

By Will Marshall

After 16 years of living next door to a terrorist enclave, a badly shaken Israel is massing its forces to crush Hamas in Gaza. Palestinian civilians are caught in the crossfire — which is exactly what Hamas wants.

As it has done after provoking four previous incursions by Israeli forces, Hamas is counting on images of death and destruction in Gaza to trigger outrage throughout the Middle East and bring international pressure on Israel to stop the fighting and withdraw its forces.

The pattern is grimly familiar: Terrorists commit atrocities, then hide behind civilian populations to escape punishment. Limited incursions and ceasefires only pause the violence, allowing Hamas to regroup and set the clock ticking toward the next terrorist explosion.

And every time, ordinary Palestinians suffer as Israel strikes back at Hamas’s rocket factories, depots and elaborate network of tunnels, cuts the number of border crossings and takes other security measures that make day-to-day life for Gazans ever more difficult.

Read more in The Hill. 

PPI’s Trade Fact of the Week: Trade in 2022: $32 trillion in exports, in a $100 trillion world economy

FACT: Trade in 2022: $32 trillion in exports, in a $100 trillion world economy.

THE NUMBERS: U.S. shares of world exports* –

2022:   7.8% of manufacturing, 12.7% services, 9.6% agriculture, 8.5% fuels & mining
2017:    9.4% of manufacturing, 14.4% services, 9.8% agriculture, 6.7% fuels & mining

* Data from the WTO’s annual World Trade Statistical Review reports, 2023 and 2018.

WHAT THEY MEAN:

The International Monetary Fund’s most recent World Economic Outlook, launched last Thursday, reports that in 2022, the world’s GDP topped eleven digits for the first time to reach $100.1 trillion. The WTO’s latest World Trade Statistical Review report, meanwhile, shows exports of goods in 2022 at $24.9 trillion and exports of services at $7.0 trillion. Combining the two, this means $31.9 billion, and a matching 31.9% of world output, crossed borders. This is high in historical terms — possibly the highest export-share-of-GDP ever — reflecting the energy price spike caused by Russia’s war on Ukraine along with post-COVID surge in shopping for consumer goods, reviving travel and transport services, high farm prices, and probably some acceleration of trade integration in Asia.  A table of these totals in the recent past and the last two decades:

2022:        31.9%
2021:        29.4%
2020:       26.5%
2019:        28.6%
2017:        28.4%
2012:        29.6%
2002:       22.4%

Tentative conclusion: The high 2022 export-to-GDP ratio probably reflects some temporary factors; in particular, without the energy price spike it would have been somewhere around 29%. But it also suggests that at least so far, the trade conflicts of the past five years haven’t very fundamentally changed trade flows.

Three closer-level looks — at products and “sectors,” countries, and the United States — offer some backup to this general conclusion, but also suggest areas where flows have at least shifted course:

Products: The largest single chunk of world exports is in manufacturing, which in 2022 accounted for $15.3 trillion, or about 48% of all world exports, slightly below the 52% of pre-pandemic 2019. The $15.3 value nearly equals the roughly $17 trillion in world manufacturing output; top exports were $3 trillion in chemicals, $2.5 trillion in IT goods, and $1.5 trillion in autos and auto parts. In second place comes $5.1 trillion in energy and mining, where the supply shock caused by the war nearly doubled trade value from 2017’s $2.63 trillion. Then came $3.3 trillion in digitally deliverable services ranging from entertainment and media to finance, software, gaming, air and hotel reservations, and so on; $2.3 trillion in food and farm goods; $1.5 trillion in miscellaneous goods-trade categories such as scrap metal, small-scale parcel deliveries, and returned purchases; and $1.4 trillion in transport and travel services.

So: Assuming the high energy prices were temporary, little about the world “traded-product” mix changed very much in the last five years.

Countries: The countries at the top of the WTO’s export rankings also remained pretty stable.  The largest single block of merchandise trade was either (a) the European Union’s $5.4 trillion in manufacturing exports (which is shaky as it counts $3.25 trillion in trade among the 27 EU members as well as $2.14 trillion from the EU to other countries), or (b) if you take the EU as a lot of individual countries rather than one big economy, China’s $3.3 trillion in manufactures. Counting down from this, the WTO’s rankings of “top exporters” and ‘top importers’ haven’t changed very much in any of the big product divisions. The top six manufacturing exporters in 2022 – China, EU-as-a-single-economy, the U.S., Japan, Korea, Mexico – are identical to the top six of 2017, though Taiwan and Singapore swap 7th and 8th place, and Vietnam replaces Canada in tenth. In agriculture, likewise, the top six exporters are identical, though Thailand jumps over Mexico and Australia to place 7th. Rankings in “fuels and mining” (which in WTO argot includes metal ores) have changed most¸ with the U.S. climbing past Saudi Arabia and Russia to become the top exporter.

Hmm: Despite the “301” tariffs the Trump administration placed on most Chinese goods in 2018 and early 2019, China’s #1 share of world manufacturing exports rose from 17.8% to 21.7%. The U.S. held its #2 manufacturing rank, but the American share of manufacturing exports shrank from 9.4% to 7.8%.

The U.S.: How did the U.S. fare as all this proceeded?  From 2017 to 2022, the U.S. held its second-place share as a goods exporter, lengthened its lead as the world’s top goods importer, and remained the top services trader.  So to date — despite “301” and “232” tariffs, withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement, renegotiation of the North American Free Trade Agreement, sanctions on Russia, and a battery of new export controls — no very revolutionary changes in the actual U.S. world role.  A slightly more granular level, though, reveals some shifts:

1.  U.S. export economy is a bit smaller and more concentrated in energy: The U.S. export economy shrank a bit (in relative terms), from 12.2% of GDP in 2017 to 11.6% in 2022. Meanwhile, the Census’ count of U.S. exporting businesses fell from 290,600 in 2017 to (a preliminary) 279,000 in 2022. Energy exports however jumped from a historically very high 9.1% of total exports in 2017 – $141 billion of $1547 billion – to an all-time record 18.2% in 2022, or $380 billion of $2086 billion. Mirroring these domestic figures, the WTO finds the U.S. with a lower share of world manufacturing exports and a higher share of energy.  Overall, then, not a very inspiring result.  One explanation is benign: heavy stimulus spending causing a consumer boom and diverting exports to domestic customers.  Another is less encouraging: an unanticipated effect of tariffs, as the “301” and “232” tariffs imposed in 2018 and 2019 fell heavily on industrial inputs, and thus likely raised U.S. factory costs and eroded competitiveness, especially as Asian countries continued to cut tariffs on one another’s goods.

2.  Americans import more, especially in manufacturing: Imports, by contrast, rose from 14.9% of U.S. GDP to 15.4%.  This is the highest import share since 2014. Most of the jump reflects a post-pandemic surge in import of manufactured goods, which rose in dollar terms by $740 billion from the levels of 2014.  Mirroring this rise, the WTO tables show Americans buying 14.1% of world manufactured exports in 2017, and 15.7% in 2022. With exports only up $70 billion, the Trump administration’s pledge to reduce U.S. manufacturing trade deficits ended with a comically perverse doubling of the sectoral deficit from -$648 billion in 2016 to -$1.3 trillion in 2022.

3.  Less from China, more from Vietnam and Mexico: Within the totals, though, U.S. sourcing has shifted noticeably.  China’s share of U.S. imports, at 21.6% in 2017, fell to 16.3% in 2022; Vietnam and Mexico, and secondarily India and other ASEAN countries, picked up most of the roughly $150 billion in diverted imports.  In 2023 (based on the Census figures complete through last August) this drop accelerated, with China falling behind both Mexico and Canada as U.S. import sources.  This noted, China’s higher share of worldwide manufacturing exports suggests that (a) Chinese firms were able to replace lost U.S. customers with sales elsewhere, and/or (b) some of China’s diminishing share of American imports reflects shifts of final assembly to other middle-income countries, in which case China would be exporting components and parts to factories abroad and the U.S. still the final buyer.  See below, though, for a third possibility — the early stages of vaguely geopolitical “trade blocs” — suggested by WTO economists this month.

 

 

FURTHER READING

The WTO’s annual World Trade Statistical Review back to 2015, with links to the earlier “International Trade Statistics” yearbooks from 2000 to 2014.

… An accompanying WTO staff report, Global Trade Outlook and Statistics, looks around at 2023 and ahead to 2024, and predicts slower trade growth for the next year and a half. Under the heading “Evidence of Fragmentation” (pg. 12), the authors see initial signs of that trade flows may be beginning to reflect “geopolitical blocs”:

Economic and political tensions between the United States and China — the world’s two largest economies – have been building for several years, leading to the imposition of numerous tariffs. These measures have sparked some changes in international trading patterns, but evidence that they have thrown globalization into reverse remains limited.  …

Changes in trade shares along geopolitical lines are also discernible in recent data. For example, US trade in parts and components with politically like-minded countries as measured by UN voting patterns fell from 77% before the pandemic in 2019 to 73% afterwards in 2020. This share then rose to 74% in 2022 and finally back to 77% in 2023. While this could be a sign of supply chains shifting for geopolitical reasons, it could also simply be a reversion to pre-pandemic production patterns.

… and thoughts on it all from WTO Chief Economist Ralph Ossa.

And for context, the IMF’s just-updated World Economic Outlook database.

U.S. data:

Census’ monthly summaries of imports, exports, and balances.

… or by country (goods only).

And the Bureau of Economic Analysis has GDP breakdowns, services trade, and more.

 

ABOUT ED

Ed Gresser is Vice President and Director for Trade and Global Markets at PPI.

Ed returns to PPI after working for the think tank from 2001-2011. He most recently served as the Assistant U.S. Trade Representative for Trade Policy and Economics at the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR). In this position, he led USTR’s economic research unit from 2015-2021, and chaired the 21-agency Trade Policy Staff Committee.

Ed began his career on Capitol Hill before serving USTR as Policy Advisor to USTR Charlene Barshefsky from 1998 to 2001. He then led PPI’s Trade and Global Markets Project from 2001 to 2011. After PPI, he co-founded and directed the independent think tank Progressive Economy until rejoining USTR in 2015. In 2013, the Washington International Trade Association presented him with its Lighthouse Award, awarded annually to an individual or group for significant contributions to trade policy.

Ed is the author of Freedom from Want: American Liberalism and the Global Economy (2007).  He has published in a variety of journals and newspapers, and his research has been cited by leading academics and international organizations including the WTO, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund. He is a graduate of Stanford University and holds a Master’s Degree in International Affairs from Columbia Universities and a certificate from the Averell Harriman Institute for Advanced Study of the Soviet Union.

Read the full email and sign up for the Trade Fact of the Week

Bledsoe for The Messenger: Hamas-Israel War Must Not Prevent Progress at COP 28 Climate Talks

By Paul Bledsoe

The next United Nations climate change conference, COP28 , is scheduled to begin at the end of November in Dubai. Beyond the challenges of getting the world to agree on difficult climate issues, progress may be imperiled by the cloud of war between Hamas and Israel, and also by the choice of the United Arab Emirates as the host country.

The Middle East’s tangled politics and tortured alliances will make gaining unanimity of action on critical climate issues that much harder. Credible analysis indicates that Iran’s long-time support for Hamas, and claims that it helped plan the vicious attack on Israel, had a strategic objective of preventing incipient attempts to renew diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel. Saudi Arabia and Qatar also find themselves on opposite sides in this crisis, as Qatar has maintained close relations with Hamas for years. That, too, could further complicate efforts to get major oil and gas states aligned.

Yet, hope remains that the conference-hosting UAE — despite deriving nearly one-third of its GDP from oil and gas revenue — can leverage its relationships with other major state-owned energy producers to gain agreements to limit their greenhouse gas emissions, especially of that super-climate-pollutant, methane. Fully 75% of all carbon dioxide and methane emissions from the oil and gas industry come from state-owned companies. Thus, climate protection cannot be achieved without dramatically reducing emissions from the world’s petro-states.

Read more.

This story was originally published in The Messenger on October 18, 2023.

Jacoby for The Eastern Front: Is Ukraine Interested in Fighting Corruption?

There has been a longstanding trope in the United States that Ukraine is a hopelessly corrupt country, which has abetted the growing movement in favor of withdrawing aid. On this episode of The Eastern Front, Giselle, Dalibor, and Iulia welcome back Tamar Jacoby, director of the New Ukraine Project at the Progressive Policy Institute, to challenge misconceptions about Ukraine’s corruption problem and discuss why a Democratic, Western-oriented market economy in Ukraine is just as vital to US interests as removing Russian troops. How has the war changed the Ukrainian people’s sentiments about their country’s corruption? What have been some of the institutional changes the Ukrainian government has undertaken to combat corruption? Is it necessary for US aid to be conditional on corruption reform?

PPI Statement on Hamas Terrorism

Today, Will Marshall, President of the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) released the following statement in response to this weekend’s heinous attack on Israel and the Israeli people.

“The more we learn about Hamas’s barbaric slaughter of civilians in Israel, the more civilized people everywhere should resolve to reject the sickening moral equivocations voiced by apologists for Palestinian terrorists. No cause on earth justifies the orgy of sadism, rape, and mass murder we have just witnessed. And let us have an end to evasive euphemisms like ‘militant’ — the perpetrators of this crime against humanity are terrorists and should be so named and treated.

“We are grateful to President Biden for forcefully condemning Hamas’s depraved violence and pledging America’s steadfast support for the Israeli people at this terrible moment. The contrast between Biden’s moral clarity and unifying leadership and Donald Trump’s dishonest attempts to divide our country by politicizing the tragedy in Israel could not be more telling.

“Israeli forces are now trying to rescue hostages, bring terrorists to justice, and degrade Hamas’s ability to launch further outrages. This is a monumental task made more difficult by Hamas’s cynical tactic of using Palestinian civilians as human shields, which is yet another war crime. It’s imperative that Israeli forces proceed both resolutely and carefully, demonstrating the humanity and respect for innocent lives that their terrorist attackers lack. We see no military justification for depriving Gaza residents of food and fuel.

“The Progressive Policy Institute stands with Israel, and endorses the bipartisan congressional resolution, signed by over 400 Members of Congress, supporting Israel and outrightly condemning the terrorist attacks launched by Hamas against Israeli civilians.

“Standing with Israel against terrorism in no way implies support for Israeli government policies. Indeed, we are concerned by the authoritarian drift of recent Israeli politics. But there will be ample time and occasion to debate these matters once the immediate crisis has passed.”

The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C., with offices in Brussels, Berlin and the United Kingdom. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.org.

Follow the Progressive Policy Institute.

Find an expert at PPI.

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Media Contact: Amelia Fox, afox@ppionline.org

PPI’s Trade Fact of the Week: Florida green turtle nesting counts up 80-fold since the 1970s

FACT: Florida green turtle nesting counts up 80-fold since the 1970s.

THE NUMBERS: Green turtle nest counts at 27 Florida “core index beaches” –

2022-2023      ~40,000 nests?
2020-2021      ~23,000 nests
2010-2011        ~10,000 nests
2000-2001      ~4,000 nests
1990-1991         ~1,000 nests
1980s                ~500 nests

* Florida Wildlife Commission, using two-year averages as green turtle nesting totals appear to vary in a two-year cycle. These are not total statewide (or U.S.) nesting estimates, but counts of nesting at 27 long-studied beaches, making up a representative sample of known Florida nesting beaches. Total nest counts in 2022 were 37,000 

WHAT THEY MEAN:

Here’s 17th-century British navigator/pirate/early naturalist William Dampier, on the Caribbean’s vast green turtle flotillas and the swarms of fish traveling in their wake:

“I heard of a monstrous green turtle once taken at Port Royal in the Bay of Campeachy [ed. note: then the capital of Jamaica] that was four foot deep from the back to the belly, and the belly six foot broad.  … [M]ultitudes of Turtles go from their common places of feeding and abode, to those laying eggs:  and at the time the Turtle resort to these places to lay their Eggs, they are accompanied by abundance of Fish, especially Sharks; the places that the Turtle then leave being at that time destitute of Fish, which follow the Turtle.”

By the mid-20th century the “multitudes of turtles” were nearly gone. When Florida wildlife staff began counting green turtle nests in the 1970s, they found only about 500 each year and sometimes fewer. NOAA’s unhappy summary reports a “catastrophic global decline of the species” with six causes: (a) “by-catch,” as turtles drown in nets towed by shrimp boats; (2) direct hunting, taking green turtles “in extraordinarily high numbers for their fat, meat, and eggs”; (3) loss of nesting grounds, through beach erosion, seawall construction, and bright hotel lighting that deter night-time nesting; (4) collisions with boats close to shore; (5) ocean pollution, in particular plastics and balloons; and most recently (6) climate change and warming ocean temperatures.  The green turtles’ decline is typical: the International Union for the Conservation of Nature lists all seven sea turtle species — greens, loggerheads, leatherbacks, Kemp’s Ridleys, olive Ridleys, flatbacks, hawksbills — as either “threatened,” “endangered,” or “critically endangered.”

Some of these threats — floating plastics, warming water — are daunting, global-scale issues.  Others seem cheap and simple to fix.  Most countries, including the U.S., have banned turtle hunting for food and jewelry, and excluded turtle products from international trade in 1977 through the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species.  Congress in 1987 adopted a law requiring shrimp boats serving the U.S. — whether local or foreign — to equip their nets with “Turtle Exclusion Devices,” which are metal grilles with holes allowing unintentionally trapped turtles to swim out of the nets, costing $325-$550 each.  (See below for the WTO’s record of a celebrated U.S.-Mexico trade dispute over the application of this regulation to foreign boats, which the panels eventually decided in favor of the U.S.) And the Florida government under Gov. Lawton Chiles in 1991, meanwhile, imposed beach protection rules and night-time blackouts during nesting months.

A generation later, these cheap and simple fixes look like they’ve worked.  Florida’s green turtle nesting counts, measured in two-year cycles, show very strong recovery.  The Florida Wildlife Commission’s most recent report, out early this year, shows an 80-fold increase in nesting counts since the early 1980s: a few hundred a year then, about 40,000 per year in 2021 and 2022. The official count for the 2023 nesting season won’t come out until early 2024, but individual beach counts suggest a boom year with as many as 70,000 nests.  Nor again are green turtles unique; populations of the smaller and rarer Kemp’s Ridley turtle in Mexico has also rebounded, and the U.S Fish and Wildlife Service has successfully started a new Texas nesting ground.

Not yet anything on the scale of Dampier’s “multitudes”, of course.  And looking ahead, the challenges of floating plastics and warming water aren’t simply and probably won’t be cheap.  But nonetheless, after many bad decades. the turtles have had a few good ones.

 

 

FURTHER READING

Dampier’s A New Voyage Round the World (1699, Chapter 5) recalls the massive Caribbean turtle populations of the 17th century.

NOAA’s sad review of their 20th-century decline.

The Palm Beach Post reports a boom nesting season for 2023.

And the Florida Wildlife Commission reports on nesting totals for five turtle species at “index beaches” from 1989 forward.

Another example: 

The Kemp’s Ridley turtle, a smaller species that is unique as a daytime nester, is the world’s most endangered turtle. Until recently, Kemp’s Ridleys nested only on three stretches of beach in Tamaulipas (Mexican Gulf Coast, just south of Texas), and are thus especially vulnerable to oil spills and habitat loss. KR nest counts declined by over 99% in the later 20th century, from 30,000-40,000 recorded in a 1947 count to 702 in 1985. Since then totals have rebounded to about 9,000 per year in Mexico, and the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service has created a second nesting site on Padre Island in Texas, whose nest counts are up from an initial 7 to 353 last year. Background from FWS.

Policy: 

The CITES (Convention on the International Trade in Endangered Species) homepage.

The State Department explains shrimping import and turtle conservation rules.

And the WTO’s record of “DS-58,” a five-year case eventually validating the U.S.’ application of TED requirements to foreign shrimping boats.

And some work to do in Asia, with some very modern advice from the classics: 

CITES Secretariat (2019) reports persistent illegal turtle trade in Southeast Asia.

And proto-conservationist Mencius, somewhere around 320 BC near present-day Kaifeng, has TED-like advice for King Hui of Liang:

“If you ban nets with fine mesh from ponds, there will be more fish and turtles than the people can eat.  If you ban axes from the forests on the hillsides except in the proper season, there will be more timber than the people can use.”  

Mencius, with the passage on nets, excluder devices, and turtles in Chapter A3.

 

ABOUT ED

Ed Gresser is Vice President and Director for Trade and Global Markets at PPI.

Ed returns to PPI after working for the think tank from 2001-2011. He most recently served as the Assistant U.S. Trade Representative for Trade Policy and Economics at the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR). In this position, he led USTR’s economic research unit from 2015-2021, and chaired the 21-agency Trade Policy Staff Committee.

Ed began his career on Capitol Hill before serving USTR as Policy Advisor to USTR Charlene Barshefsky from 1998 to 2001. He then led PPI’s Trade and Global Markets Project from 2001 to 2011. After PPI, he co-founded and directed the independent think tank Progressive Economy until rejoining USTR in 2015. In 2013, the Washington International Trade Association presented him with its Lighthouse Award, awarded annually to an individual or group for significant contributions to trade policy.

Ed is the author of Freedom from Want: American Liberalism and the Global Economy (2007).  He has published in a variety of journals and newspapers, and his research has been cited by leading academics and international organizations including the WTO, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund. He is a graduate of Stanford University and holds a Master’s Degree in International Affairs from Columbia Universities and a certificate from the Averell Harriman Institute for Advanced Study of the Soviet Union.

Read the full email and sign up for the Trade Fact of the Week

Delaney and Maag for The Messenger: How to Avert a Looming Nursing Shortage

By Erin Delaney and Taylor Maag

The COVID-19 crisis put America’s nurses in the national spotlight. Nurses were some of the most essential heroes of the pandemic — working long hours, putting their health at risk and bearing the emotional strains of more than 1 million deaths. Nurses across type and specialty demonstrated a commitment to public health and safety, reminding us of the importance of having a robust nursing workforce across U.S. communities — so that Americans are in good hands when the next public health crisis occurs.

However, that assurance may be far from reality. Currently, the U.S. has a shortage of 100,000 nurses. While this number is small compared to other industries, and the health care industry at large is seeing job growth in recent Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) projections, these numbers don’t represent the full picture.

A recent study by the National Council of State Boards of Nursing found that 610,388 nurses say they want to leave the field by 2027. This report found that high workloads and unprecedented levels of burnout from the pandemic have resulted in higher levels of turnover for young nurses and early retirements for those later in their careers. At the same time, the demand for health care services is increasing as the U.S. population ages. BLS projects that employment for registered nursing will grow 6% from 2022 to 2032, or roughly 193,100 jobs per year to meet this demand — equating to about 2 million more nurses. This growth is faster than the average for all other occupations.

Read more. 

This story was originally published in The Messenger on October 8, 2023.

Working-class voters abandon Sunak’s Conservatives ahead of next election

The Conservative Party is haemorrhaging working-class votes across the country under Rishi Sunak’s leadership, particularly those of working age, with Keir Starmer’s Labour Party on course to reverse its historic decline with working-class voters.

New research released by the Progressive Policy Institute on the eve of the Labour Party Conference in Liverpool shows that the voters that were so crucial to the Conservatives’ majority at the 2019 general election are abandoning the party. Only 44% of working-class voters who voted Conservative in 2019 say they will vote for them next time. 74% of all those polled describe the Conservatives as not close to working-class people, strongly associating them with wealthy individuals and big business.

Under Keir Starmer’s leadership, Labour is on course to turn around its historic decline amongst working-class voters – but Labour’s lead is much narrower with working-class voters than the wider electorate, with many yet to make up their minds on who to vote for. The research reveals that those who are feeling more optimistic about the year ahead are more likely to vote Conservative; however, there are far fewer of them than those who are pessimistic about the year ahead. Overall, working-class Britons believe almost everything is going to get worse, including all of Prime Minister Rishi Sunak’s pledges: the rate of inflation, the cost of living, NHS waiting lists, climate change, their personal financial situation, the number of people arriving in small boats, the level of national debt, and the country’s financial situation.

In the report, ‘Roadmap to Hope: how to bring hope back to working-class voters in an age of insecurity’, project director and former policy director to Keir Starmer, Claire Ainsley, argues that Labour must redouble its efforts to reach disaffected working-class voters as it eyes a general election campaign, with concrete plans to ‘remake the deal’ for working people.

The report includes exclusive comparative analysis of the electoral coalitions of centre-left parties around the world by Professor Oliver Heath for PPI, which shows that far from the base of social democratic parties moving uniformly to middle-upper earners, those on low to middle incomes still form the social base for winning centre-left parties. The UK Labour Party has a particular challenge to attract older voters, compared to its centre-left contemporary parties around the world.

Overall economic concerns and policies to address them, such as controlling energy bills and inflation, are much more important to working-class voters than cultural issues that have gained disproportionate media attention. However, tackling illegal immigration and crime are highly salient for working-class voters. 59% tended to agree that you get less in return for working hard than you did a decade ago, compared to 12% who said you get more in return.

‘Under Keir Starmer’s leadership, Labour is on course to win over working-class voters who have been so failed by the Conservatives. They are feeling pretty pessimistic about the future, so the task for Labour is to inspire hope and belief that the deal can be re-made whereby if you work hard, you get on. That rests on offering concrete plans to improve people’s security and their prospects, and restore a sense of basic fairness to the economy and society’, said Claire Ainsley, Director of PPI’s Centre-Left Renewal Project.

The report includes PPI’s practical ideas to ‘re-make the deal’ for working people:

1.  Relentless focus on raising wages for those on low to middle incomes.
2. Stabilise supply and costs of essential goods and services.
3. Open up housing investment to the next generation.
4. Reform school education to become the driver of progress.
5. Replace ‘one rule for them’ with ‘same rules apply’.

More working-class voters said the government is not doing or spending enough to try and reduce carbon emissions (34%), compared to those saying they are doing too much (25%), or getting the balance about right (16%), showing the awareness of climate action across all social groups. That said, they have a clear view when it comes to who pays: 53% agreed that it is important to combat climate change but ‘people like me should not be paying the cost of policies to reduce global carbon emissions’, whilst 16% said they would be prepared to pay some costs and 19% said they do not believe climate action is necessary.

 

PPI’s new Project on Centre-Left Renewal resumes our long-running conversation with centre-left parties in Europe and around the world. Its purpose is to exchange ideas, strategies and tactics for making centre-left parties more competitive and improve their governing performance.

The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C., with offices in Brussels, Berlin and the United Kingdom. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.org.

Follow the Progressive Policy Institute.

Find an expert at PPI.

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Media Contact: Amelia Fox, afox@ppionline.org

Roadmap to Hope: How to bring back hope to working-class voters in an age of insecurity

INTRODUCTION

For many people, the economic and political turbulence of these past few years have made it a whole lot harder to achieve their hopes and dreams.

Every time inflation rises or mortgage costs escalate, the choices available get much more limited. Whether it’s buying a new home, retraining for a job you really want, or booking the holiday you’ve worked so hard for. The deal whereby if you work hard and do the right thing, you can achieve what you set out to, seems broken through a combination of failing markets, creaking public services, and politics unable to rise to the challenges of our times. This sense of insecurity – not knowing what the future holds – now seems semi-permanent.

This deeper-rooted belief that our governments don’t work in the interests of ordinary people has fuelled the rise of right-wing populism in many of our nations, which despite some recent success of centre-left parties, continues to gain ground. Even where right-wing populists remain at the margins, their effect on mainstream politics and society is being felt. And where the centre-left has won power, it is proving difficult to achieve more durable electoral majorities amongst a fragmented electorate, under siege from the scare tactics of the right.

The only way out of this is for the political centre-left to present and deliver a more unifying, compelling, and credible alternative to the extremities and their mainstream copyists, rooted in the hopes and dreams of ordinary people.

In January 2023, the Progressive Policy Institute launched a new project on the political renewal of the global centre-left. This report shares comparative analysis of centre-left voters, and how electoral strategies can build more sustainable coalitions.

The politics of a winning centre-left isn’t the triumph of reassurance over hope; it is reassurance so that people can realise their hopes and dreams again. The centre-left needs to reclaim hope and aspiration as well as offering security and reassurance, and in so doing, bring hope back to the many millions who deserve to have their faith restored.

Voters in the UK and beyond are looking again at what centre-left parties have to offer. But progress will only turn into lasting success if once in government, our parties are judged by voters to have met their economic, social and cultural needs and interests. This report, and PPI’s work, is in service of that goal.

Read the full report.

Marshall for The Hill: For victory in 2024, Democrats must win back the working class

By Will Marshall

A spate of recent polls showing President Biden either tied with or falling behind Donald Trump has some Democrats in a swivet. How could Biden be trailing a fabulist he’s already beaten, who’s facing 91 felony charges, and whose business empire may be crumbling around him?

It’s a good question. Today’s polls aren’t predictive of an election that’s more than a year out. But they are indicative of how little headway the president and his party have made since 2020 on their central political challenge: enlarging their party by winning back working class voters.

Luckily for them, a lifetime of deceit continues to catch up with Trump. A New York Supreme Court justice has ruled that his real estate companies defrauded banks and insurance companies by ludicrously overstating their properties’ value. The judge yanked their licenses to do business in New York and said he’d appoint a receiver to dismantle them.

Read more in The Hill.

PPI’s Trade Fact of the Week: The U.S. does 28% of the world’s scientific research and development spending

FACT: The U.S. does 28% of the world’s scientific research and development spending.

THE NUMBERS: R&D spending, 2020* –
World (known) $2.4 trillion
United States $668 billion
China** $526 billion (?)
European Union $440 billion
Japan $173 billion
South Korea $105 billion

* National Science Foundation estimates, 2022
** Estimate from 2022; 2023 likely will revise this downward.

 

WHAT THEY MEAN:

The National Science Foundation’s most recent tally of research spending around the world, published early in 2022, calculated in “purchasing-power parities,”* estimated about $2.4 trillion worth of science in 2019. The IMF’s guess at the 2019 world economy meanwhile (also using the PPP-basis option so as to match NSF’s R&D figure) was $138 trillion. So that year, $1.70 of each $100 of world income went back to labs to design quantum computers and write up artificial intelligence programs, give the last touches to the Webb telescope and open the first analyses of the COVID-19 virus, design new biotech crops, finance robot-sub dives to deep-sea black smokers, and work up ancient-DNA investigations of Neanderthal origins.

Dividing the $2.4 trillion global figure into country-by-country totals requires some social science best-guesses and adjustments to later revisions. For example, NSF put China’s R&D spending at $526 billion in 2019.  The OECD, though, has China at $465 billion in 2018 and hasn’t yet guessed at 2019. Meanwhile, if Chinese science is getting revised a bit down, the Brits have been scaled up. The NSF’s first guess for the U.K. in 2019 was a deflating $57 billion, putting the land of Darwin & Newton, Berners-Lee & Hawking, etc. at par with India and well below the $74 billion for France.  They’ve now recalculated and gotten something closer to $90 billion. But understanding there’s some blurriness around the edges, here are three big-picture perspectives as of 2019:

Largest R&D Centers: Five countries put more than $100 billion a year into science. The U.S. was top at $668 billion (and per NSF, ratcheted up to $717 billion in 2021 and a likely $792 billion in 2022). American science accordingly made up 28%, or somewhat more than a quarter, of all world research spending – nearly twice the U.S.’ 15.8% share of world PPP-basis GDP, and seven times its 4% share of world population. China was second at $526 billion and 22% of world R&D, followed by Japan at $173 billion, Germany at $148 billion, and South Korea at $102 billion. Together these five countries accounted for two-thirds of all world R&D spending. Adding France and the UK brings the total near three-quarters of the world total.

West & Rest: Traditional ‘western’, ‘developed’ countries account for over three-fifths of world science. Combining the NSF’s estimate for the U.S. with those for Japan, Korea, the 27 EU members, the UK, Switzerland, Norway, Israel, Taiwan, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, yields a total of $1.5 trillion, exactly five-eighths of the $2.4 trillion worldwide total.  China, whether at $526 billion or somewhere in the $500 billion range, is the secondary pole at 22%. The remaining 150 countries — all of Latin America, the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Africa — together put about $400 billion into science each year. A Korea-like $135 billion comes from the nine non-Chinese big-population BRICS members and invitees (Brazil, Russia, India, South Africa, Egypt, Iran, United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Ethiopia). The remaining 120 provide $240 billion and 10% of the world total.

Most “Research-Intensive”: Dropping total-dollar figures and instead looking at research spending relative to national economies, the R&D shares of GDP in the world’s most research-intensive economies, and in nine of the world’s ten largest countries by population,** look like this:

Israel 4.9%
South Korea 4.6%
Taiwan 3.5%
Sweden 3.4%
Germany 3.2%
Japan 3.2%
U.S. 3.1%
China 2.3%
Brazil 1.2%
Russia 1.0%
South Africa 0.8%
India 0.7%
Mexico 0.3%
Indonesia 0.2%
Pakistan 0.2%
Nigeria 0.1%

And a Bit More: Brazil is the top Latin American research power, with $36 billion and 1.2% of GDP.  India has a very large dollar-value R&D program at $59 billion, eighth in the world after the U.K. and France. Indian science, though, remains modest as a 0.65% share of GDP. This is somewhat below the 1.6% average for middle-income countries. Russia had about the same total-dollar investment as Taiwan at $44.5 billion in 2019 (though it’s presumably lower now); relative to GDP, its 1.04% was about the same as Turkey’s R&D intensity. Thailand is ASEAN’s top researcher in dollar terms at $12 billion or 1.0% of GDP; relative to GDP, though, Singapore leads at 1.8%.

* The two common calculations of GDP are “exchange-rate basis,” and “purchasing-power parities.” The PPP-basis gives larger figures for developing countries, as it attempts to equalize prices paid for services.  Both have advantages and disadvantages; we’re using PPP here as that’s how NSF estimated science spending.
** Unfortunately missing #8 by population, not because we forgot Bangladesh, but as NSF hasn’t done an R&D estimate for them.

 

 

FURTHER READING

Data: 

The National Science Foundation’s R&D by country figures.

More NSF comparisons.

OECD’s data on R&D spending in total and relative to GDP, plus counts of scientists and publications, etc., for the 37-country OECD membership plus China, Taiwan, Russia, Argentina, Singapore, Romania, and South Africa.

The World Bank’s table of R&D/GDP shares by country, region, income level, etc., from the 1990s to the present.

And a bit on American science: 

U.S. spending leads the world in raw dollars, and ranks a strong seventh worldwide as a share of GDP. The U.S.’ relative weak spot is in big-picture, basic science, government-funded science. U.S. government-funded R&D is traditionally more focused on basic science with potential big returns in knowledge and innovation but not necessarily a near-term commercial payoff than the business sector’s work.  Though not small, this government commitment has (a) drifted down relative to U.S. GDP, from around 1.0% of GDP in the 1960s and 1970s to 0.5% more recently, and (b) dropped from 30% to 19% of U.S. research funding between 2011 and 2021.

Vannevar Bush’s 1945 “Endless Frontier” report to the Truman administration makes the classic case for public commitment to science.

PPI budget sages Ben Ritz and Brendan McDermott, 80 years later, have ideas for reviving public investment.

… and from Ritz and Stephen Verrall last month, Congress post-“CHIPs and Science” bill takes an ill-advised U-turn on the larger science budget.

And a Biden science boom? NSF’s estimates of a $124 billion Biden-era surge in research spending since 2020 ($668 billion in 2020, $792 billion in 2022) is a first estimate, with some future adjustments likely.  (And note that $105 billion of the estimate reflects new business spending.)  Nonetheless, an entirely different line of data suggests this is real.  The Bureau of Labor Statistics’ monthly figures for R&D employment show a net gain of 150,000 R&D jobs — from 795,000 to 946,000 — from January 2021 to August 2023. By comparison, the 20-year growth total from 2000 through 2020 was 250,000 new R&D jobs. BLS’ (very detailed) R&D employment page.

 

ABOUT ED

Ed Gresser is Vice President and Director for Trade and Global Markets at PPI.

Ed returns to PPI after working for the think tank from 2001-2011. He most recently served as the Assistant U.S. Trade Representative for Trade Policy and Economics at the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR). In this position, he led USTR’s economic research unit from 2015-2021, and chaired the 21-agency Trade Policy Staff Committee.

Ed began his career on Capitol Hill before serving USTR as Policy Advisor to USTR Charlene Barshefsky from 1998 to 2001. He then led PPI’s Trade and Global Markets Project from 2001 to 2011. After PPI, he co-founded and directed the independent think tank Progressive Economy until rejoining USTR in 2015. In 2013, the Washington International Trade Association presented him with its Lighthouse Award, awarded annually to an individual or group for significant contributions to trade policy.

Ed is the author of Freedom from Want: American Liberalism and the Global Economy (2007).  He has published in a variety of journals and newspapers, and his research has been cited by leading academics and international organizations including the WTO, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund. He is a graduate of Stanford University and holds a Master’s Degree in International Affairs from Columbia Universities and a certificate from the Averell Harriman Institute for Advanced Study of the Soviet Union.

Read the full email and sign up for the Trade Fact of the Week

Bledsoe for The Messenger: Biden, Not Trump, Is Right on the Autoworkers’ Strike and Electric Vehicles

By Paul Bledsoe

Donald Trump and the rest of the Republican Party, seemingly devoid of original policy ideas themselves, have tried to make Joe Biden’s advocacy of incentives for U.S. production of electric vehicles (EVs) a campaign issue in the midst of the United Auto Workers (UAW) strike over higher pay and improved benefits. But the truth is that President Biden’s efforts to deliver large EV incentives for American car buyers and U.S. automakers are our best hope so far for the U.S. to outcompete China in the domestic and global auto market and to save American jobs.

It is the automakers themselves and, increasingly, consumers who are switching to EVs, for the obvious reason that EVs are already much cheaper to operate than gasoline-power cars, and very soon, they are expected to be far cheaper to manufacture and purchase than gasoline vehicles. EVs are the future of the auto industry, and Biden is making sure America will be ready for the decades ahead.

Read more.

This story was originally published in the Messenger on October 3, 2023.

Why the U.S. Rejected European Style Digital Markets Regulation: Considerations for Brazil’s Tech Landscape

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

As the world grapples with how to effectively regulate the modern digital ecosystem, Europe has been the first to put sweeping legislation into effect. The European Union’s Digital Markets Act, signed into law in 2022, has spurred momentum across the globe for what — in many cases — are nearly identical proposals attempting to address concerns regulators have identified with the influence of global online platforms.

As the DMA is being replicated in legislative proposals around the world, non-European countries including the United States, Brazil, and Japan are now faced with the task of examining whether the EU’s solutions make sense for the current state of their own markets. Despite shared concerns regarding the ability for technology companies to compete with current market leaders in the global economy, the proposed solutions have been criticized for doing more harm than good. Critics argue that fostering an anti-innovation approach to regulation leaves serious concerns for consumer protection and the ability for any platforms to compete in the global market. It is for these reasons that the United States, when presented with the opportunity to pass similar legislation, did not bring the bills for a vote in Congress, functionally rejecting the proposals.

As such, it is important that global regulators recognize that Europe’s solution is not the only path forward for the regulation of digital markets, and in fact presents serious risk to the future growth of the technology sector and users of online platforms. The United States Congress largely determined that the approach of the Digital Markets Act does not align with the desired conditions for the U.S. tech sector and is thus exploring other ways to regulate the digital sector in ways that target specific harm. Taking an approach that identifies companies to target based on size, rather than calculations of market power or tangible harm, as is done by the DMA, risks the impediment of technological progress while failing to make a compelling case that such ex-ante regulation will spur the sort of competition which is desired as a result.

Now, what Brazil must do is assess whether EU-style regulation or the U.S. approach is better aligned with their own country’s goals, demographics, and current market structure. For the United States, there is a desire to sustain the job growth, productivity growth, and low inflationary market that the tech sector has proven to be over the past decade. In addition, there is a desire to participate in the global market, currently dominated by large American companies competing with large Chinese companies on an international scale. With the Brazilian information technology market valued at $46.2 billion in 2022, with an expected growth rate of over 8%, careful consideration must be given to what is needed for Brazilian companies to emerge as global competitors.

Here, we present the risks identified in the EU approach to tech regulation identified by the United States, and the differences in EU and U.S. market conditions which leave the EU-style proposals ill-fitted to the challenges of digital markets in the United States. As the Brazilian government deliberates the merits of similar legislation, namely draft bill 2768/2022, it is critical that solutions must be similarly assessed with respect to the goals for the future of the tech sector within the country.

Read the full report. 

PPI Statement on the Latest Continuing Resolution and Fiscal Commission Proposal

Ben Ritz, Director of the Progressive Policy Institute’s (PPI) Center for Funding America’s Future, released the following statement in support of the bipartisan Fiscal Commission Act of 2023 but in opposition to the partisan government funding bill House Speaker Kevin McCarthy has attached it to:

“PPI commends Reps. Scott Peters, Bill Huizenga, and their 13 co-sponsors for introducing a strong fiscal commission proposal today. Establishing a commission will not, by itself, fix our fundamental fiscal challenges, but this thoughtful legislation would create a bipartisan, bicameral venue to have a serious discussion and craft real solutions.

“If policymakers continue to do nothing, annual interest payments on the debt will exceed defense spending within the next decade and will surpass Social Security as the largest item in the federal budget by 2050. We cannot let the costs of inaction crowd out critical public investments in our economy like education, infrastructure, and scientific research. Moreover, benefits for Social Security and Medicare will be cut across the board automatically by as much as 23% when their trust funds are exhausted between now and 2034.

“The goals this bill sets for the commission to prevent these catastrophic consequences are ambitious but achievable. PPI previously published a comprehensive budget blueprint that would satisfy every requirement in the Fiscal Commission Act while also reinvigorating domestic public investment and transforming our tax code to reward work over wealth. Should this bill or another like it become law, we hope the commission draws from these recommendations.

“However, we do not support Speaker McCarthy’s plan to move the commission forward as part of a partisan government funding bill that cuts discretionary spending deeply below the levels he and a majority of his conference agreed to just four months ago. Passing this package today all but guarantees a pointless government shutdown that will cost taxpayers more than a billion dollars each week. President Biden, House Democrats, Senate Democrats, and Senate Republicans are united behind averting a shutdown by sticking to this summer’s debt-limit agreement. The fiscal commission should come after House Republicans wake up and realize they need to do the same.”

PPI’s Center for Funding America’s Future works to promote a fiscally responsible public investment agenda that fosters robust and inclusive economic growth. It tackles issues of public finance in the United States and offers innovative proposals to strengthen public investments in the foundation of our economy, modernize health and retirement programs to reflect an aging society, and transform our tax code to reward work over wealth.

The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.org.

Follow the Progressive Policy Institute.

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Media Contact: Amelia Fox – afox@ppionline.org