Gresser in The Washington Post: Trump says he will impose 50 percent tariffs on Canadian goods in 30 days

Gresser in The Washington Post: Trump says he will impose 50 percent tariffs on Canadian goods in 30 days

[…]

If the tariffs do take effect, they will apply to most Canadian goods, including those that qualify for duty-free treatment under the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement that Trump negotiated during his first term. Energy, potash fertilizer, critical minerals, fish and products covered by existing national security tariffs will be exempt, said the administration official, who briefed reporters under ground rules that did not allow them to be identified. 

That would probably hit consumers with higher prices ahead of the Nov. 3 midterm elections, exacerbating the administration’s political challenges with affordability, said Ed Gresser, vice president of the Progressive Policy Institute in D.C. and a former U.S. trade official.

“If you as a family or you as a business were hoping for some relief this fall, you’re not going to get it. Things are going to get more expensive,” Gresser said.

[…]

Read more in the Washington Post

Ainsley and Mattinson for The Observer: Why working-class voters have turned their backs on Labour

Before Andy Burnham takes power on Monday, he could do worse than spend a moment reflecting on what happened to Keir Starmer’s landslide victory and 17% post-election poll lead. How did Starmer end up trailing Nigel Farage and Reform UK just two years later? Why have so many working-class voters once again turned their backs on Labour?

Many had returned in 2024 after leaving the party in 2019, but now feel deeply let down. Reflecting on this is well worth Burnham’s time because Labour’s relationship with working-class supporters, once its core vote, is in peril. Yet there is no route to a parliamentary majority without them.

Of course, this is not just an electoral imperative – championing the rights of working-class voters is most progressive parties’ moral mission.

Read more in the Observer

Trump’s Claims on Election Security, Foreign Influence Do Nothing but Weaken America’s Trust in Elections

WASHINGTON (July 17, 2026) — Today, Danielle Steitz, Director of National Security Policy at the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI), released the following statement in response to President Donald Trump’s speech yesterday evening on election security:

“Six years ago, Donald Trump lost the 2020 presidential election to Joe Biden. This simple fact has become taboo to utter in the Republican Party because Donald Trump cannot and will not accept it. Trump’s address last night, where he alleged that China had interfered with the 2020 presidential election, would be laughable if the implications for American democracy were not so serious.

“The president’s claims of Chinese interference are not substantiated by any of the documents whose declassification he has directed. The intelligence community’s assessment has been clear from the start — there are no indications that any foreign actor attempted to alter any technical aspect of the voting process in the 2020 U.S. elections, including voter registration, casting ballots, vote tabulation, or reporting results. The cherry-picked declassification of intelligence reports from singular, unvetted human sources with no corroboration or verification is yet another example of Trump weaponizing the vital work of American intelligence for personal gain.

“To be clear, foreign influence operations around U.S. elections remain a bipartisan concern, and there is much to be done to strengthen resilience against these efforts to exacerbate divisions in American society. If President Trump wished to confront these issues, he could reverse the drastic cuts his administration has made to the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency. He could restore the FBI’s Foreign Influence Task Force, the intelligence community’s Foreign Malign Influence Center, and the State Department’s Counter Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference Office — all three organizations that were slashed or shuttered by members of his cabinet. Instead, Trump chooses grievance politics and rambling White House speeches that only weaken American trust in free and fair elections.

“The president and his administration would do well to listen to the recommendation approved by their colleague Marco Rubio in 2020: given the ‘significant national security and electoral consequences’ of allegations around the safety of elections, ‘sitting officials and candidates should use the absolute greatest amount of restraint and caution if they are considering publicly calling the validity of an upcoming election into question.’ Trump’s continued crusade of unsubstantiated allegations that call democratic elections into question only serves the interests of foreign adversaries who wish to see America weakened and divided.”

Founded in 1989, PPI is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Find an expert and learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.org. Follow us at @PPI.

###

Media Contact: Ian O’Keefe – iokeefe@ppionline.org

Manno for Community College Daily: The wage debate about non-college pathways is missing half the story

A paycheck matters. But it’s not the only measure of a good career. A federal wage data analysis of non-college occupations argues that those pathways don’t pay off compared to college. The findings are accurate. But what do they actually tell us?

This isn’t about whether career pathway programs work or how to measure outcomes. It’s about wages, who’s being compared when non-college wages are held up against a four-year degree, and whether that comparison is as straightforward as it looks.

Community colleges have a particular stake in getting that comparison right, since they sit at the center of both the problem and the solution.

The data isn’t in dispute. Six-figure salaries for non-college jobs are the exception, not the rule. In many high-profile trades, only the top 10% or fewer of workers actually reach that threshold. And the better-paid non-college occupations are overwhelmingly male. In some cases, fewer than 10% of workers are women, with the largest, lower-paid non-college fields, like home healthcare, dominated by women. That pattern must be taken seriously.

Read more in Community College Daily

Marshall for The Hill: It’s Time to Retire ‘Rigged System’ Populism

America at 250 seems stuck in a miasma of rival populisms that offer irreconcilable visions for curing what ails our country. Yet both the MAGA right and the socialist left start from the same demoralizing premise: The system is rigged!

That is the battle cry of today’s populist ascendancy, and it has undeniable potency. It is upsetting but vague enough to be impossible to prove or disprove. It can be counted on to rile up voters while at the same time stripping them of agency.

How can ordinary working families control their destinies if “the system” — whatever that is — is controlled by a shadowy cabal of globalists or billionaires? Telling people that they’re the suckers in a rigged political game breeds cynicism and fatalism, opening the door to demagogues who promise to overthrow the riggers if given unchecked power.

This paranoia-inducing gambit certainly has worked for President Trump. But democratic socialists like Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani also parrot the “rigged system” canard to ignite left-wing militancy.

Judging by today’s scorched earth partisanship and the constant turnover of governing power, however, it doesn’t seem to be working for the American people. Nonetheless, they’ve internalized their leaders’ debilitating pessimism.

Read more in The Hill

America’s ‘industrial’ working class has shrunk by about a million since 2016

FACT: America’s ‘industrial’ working class has shrunk by about a million since 2016.

THE NUMBERS: U.S. hourly-wage goods-producing employment* –

 

          2025      9.60 million
2024     9.63 million
2016   10.56 million
2010     9.50 million
2005   11.33 million

* The BLS Current Population Survey combines manufacturing, agriculture/forestry/fisheries, and mining.

WHAT THEY MEAN: 

Special note: Beginning in August, Trade Facts will be delivered through PPI’s newly launched Substack, “Radically Pragmatic.” Trade Fact emails will continue as usual, free and with no solicitations.

The core assumption of the Trump administration’s tariff decrees is a paradox: for American working-class life to improve, working-class living standards must fall. (Samples: three TVs are too many for a working family; two dolls per girl should be plenty; no price is too high for a locally-made toaster.) Put more sympathetically, the claim is that while tariffs will raise prices for families, they will offset the cost by shifting workers out of the jobs they now have into factories. But whether or not this is what hourly-wage Americans actually want, it doesn’t seem to be happening. After nine years of elevated tariffs and other “populist” or “postneoliberal” experiments, plus 18 months of Depression-level protectionism, the “working class” appears to have gotten (a) relatively smaller, (b) less concentrated in goods-production, and (c) more centered in health care. Some data –

Definitions: The Bureau of Labor Statistics’ “Current Population Survey” says 163.5 million Americans were employed in 2025. Slightly less than half — 81.6 million, 49.9% of the total — were ‘working class’ employees earning their incomes in hourly wages or tips. The other 81.9 million worked for salaries, executive profit-sharing, professional fees, investment income, etc. Among the hourly-wage workers, just over 80% (66.3 million) held ‘services’ jobs: waiting tables, stocking grocery shelves, repairing brakes, trimming hair, cleaning halls and bathrooms, and running hospital admissions desks. Another 5.7 million worked on construction sites, and the final 9.6 million held the sort of “goods-production” jobs the administration believes will grow with higher tariffs: 8.44 million in manufacturing; 0.87 million in farm labor, forestry, and fisheries; 0.28 million in mining and energy production.

The 2025 goods-producing total, 9.6 million, isn’t much changed from BLS’s 2024 total. (Technically, down by 34,000 jobs from 9.630 million to 9.596 million.) But it’s well below the 10.6 million recorded for 2016, in the last year of the Obama administration. The overall “working-class” share of jobs was higher too, at 52.7% of that year’s 151.4 million employed Americans. A table illustrates the change over a decade:

2016 2025 Change
All employed Americans 151.44 million 163.49 million +12.05 million
Salaried and other non-wage workers 71.56 million 81.94 million +10.38 million
Hourly-wage workers 79.88 million 81.55 million +1.67 million
… in health 12.00 million 13.18 million   +1.18 million
… in retail 11.15 million 11.17 million   +0.02 million
… in restaurants & other food services   7.43 million   7.32 million   -0.11 million
… in ‘other services’*   2.74 million   2.88 million   +0.06 million
… in education   1.77 million   1.96 million   +0.19 million
… in accommodation   1.12 million   0.84 million   -0.28 million
… in maid/domestic work   0.53 million   0.45 million   -0.08 million
… in construction   5.05 million   5.66 million   +0.51 million
Goods production 10.56 million   9.59 million   -0.97 million
… in manufacturing   9.31 million   8.44 million   -0.87 million
… in agriculture, forestry, & fisheries   0.85 million   0.87 million   +0.02 million
… in mining   0.40 million   0.28 million   -0.12 million
All other 29.58 million 28.50 million   -0.92 million

* “Other services” is a BLS term of art, a miscellaneous category including personal care work in hair salons and beauty parlors, repair shop jobs, dry-cleaning and laundry, funeral homes, non-profits, and others.

The pre-tariff, Obama-era trends look somewhat different. From the financial crisis low in 2010 to 2016, BLS’ count of hourly-wage goods-producing jobs rose by about a million, or from 9.50 million to 10.56 million, with most of this growth in manufacturing. On a larger scale, the goods-producing share of U.S. hourly-wage jobs rose a bit, after falling in the previous decade. Three notes on this:

Manufacturing: Hourly-wage jobs account for about two-thirds of factory employment, as against the 49.9% of total U.S. employment. This share is shrinking, though: while shedding 870,000 hourly-wage line worker jobs since 2016, manufacturers have added a net of 624,000 employees in the salaried-and-profit-sharing tier. This suggests that modern U.S. manufacturers require more education and specialized skills than their 20th-century ancestors, while robots and computers are diminishing the number of line workers.

Prices: Trump administration tariffs, at least so far, haven’t shifted any workers from service jobs to factory work. They have, though, pushed up the cost of things like TV sets, toasters, and dolls. A Harvard Business School “Price Tracker” project reports that prices of tariffed consumer goods have risen 6.8% above the pre-tariff trend, and those of similar domestic goods by 5.2%.

Policy: The past decade’s experiments — “post-neoliberal” and “national-conservative” theorizing, industrial strategies and “Buy American” regulations, tariff hikes – obviously haven’t produced a larger industrial working class. As to whether they’ve actually made it smaller, they’re very unlikely to be the whole story. Both technological change and reduced needs for lower-skilled factory and mine work, and ‘graying’ demographics and the consequent need to add health care and social assistance jobs, must be important factors.

That said, tariffs are likely part of the story. As academic economists Kadee Russ and Lydia Cox showed in 2020, analyzing the first Trump term’s steel and aluminum tariffs — 1,000 jobs saved or created in metals, 75,000 lost in metal-using manufacturing — a “sectoral” tariff increase often gives to some (at least in the short term), but usually takes from others. General tariff increases like those the Trump administration imposed by decree last year, meanwhile, act like a tax on all purchases of physical goods – cars and clothes, oranges and gasoline, semiconductor chips and copper coil, etc. That makes both producing and buying manufactured goods and farm products more expensive at home, and also makes U.S.-exported goods cost more abroad. Against that backdrop, no big surprise to see goods-producing employment in relative decline.

FURTHER READING

PPI’s four principles for response to tariffs and economic isolationism:

  • Defend the Constitution and oppose rule by decree;
  • Connect tariff policy to growth, work, prices and family budgets, and living standards;
  • Stand by America’s neighbors and allies;
  • Offer a positive alternative.

From PPI on America’s workforce and health systems: PPI’s New Skills for a New Economy Project, led by Workforce Policy Development Director Michael Pearson.

Health Care Policy Director Alix Ware examines public health trends, Medicaid cuts, and more.

Analysis:

Harvard Business School economists track the upward drift in consumer-goods prices, 2024-2026.

Russ & Cox calculate jobs gained and lost from steel and aluminum tariffs, 2018-2020.

And Federal Reserve economists conclude that “2025’s tariffs have led to statistically significant increases in prices of consumer goods more exposed to tariffs,” and that “tariff effects on prices gradually build over time, with cumulative effects seven months after implementation.”

Data:

From the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the Current Population Survey offers lots of different statistical insights on work, hours, hourly wage vs. total employment (see Table 45), unionization, and more, with archives back to 1999. A table illustrating (a) the long-term drop in the employment shares of hourly-wage work generally, (b) the drop in the goods-producing job share, and (c) the growth in the “health and social assistance” share.

Total Employed All hourly-wage jobs Goods-production jobs Health & social assistance
2025 163.5 million 49.90% 5.90% 8.10%
2016 151.4 million 52.70% 7.00% 7.90%
2010 139.1 million 52.40% 6.80% 8.00%
2005 141.7 million 53.30% 8.00% 7.10%

And BLS’ database tracks job totals, employment and unemployment rates, hiring and layoff trends, and other issues.

ABOUT ED

Ed Gresser is Vice President and Director for Trade and Global Markets at PPI.

Ed returns to PPI after working for the think tank from 2001-2011. He most recently served as the Assistant U.S. Trade Representative for Trade Policy and Economics at the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR). In this position, he led USTR’s economic research unit from 2015-2021, and chaired the 21-agency Trade Policy Staff Committee.

Ed began his career on Capitol Hill before serving USTR as Policy Advisor to USTR Charlene Barshefsky from 1998 to 2001. He then led PPI’s Trade and Global Markets Project from 2001 to 2011. After PPI, he co-founded and directed the independent think tank ProgressiveEconomy until rejoining USTR in 2015. In 2013, the Washington International Trade Association presented him with its Lighthouse Award, awarded annually to an individual or group for significant contributions to trade policy.

Ed is the author of Freedom from Want: American Liberalism and the Global Economy (2007). He has published in a variety of journals and newspapers, and his research has been cited by leading academics and international organizations including the WTO, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund. He is a graduate of Stanford University and holds a Master’s Degree in International Affairs from Columbia Universities and a certificate from the Averell Harriman Institute for Advanced Study of the Soviet Union.

Read the full email and sign up for the Trade Fact of the Week.

 

Work-Based Learning Requires Support from Policymakers, Industry, PPI Highlights in New Report

WASHINGTON (July 14, 2026) — A new report by the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) finds that career and technical education programs that include high-quality work-based learning require not just an entrepreneurial mindset on the part of school leaders but support from policymakers, industry, and philanthropy. While there are many structured learning experiences available today, the report advocates for building the basic infrastructure that ensures every student has access to programs that help them complete graduation requirements, understand employer expectations, and build a foundation for future educational or career opportunities.

Authored by Rachel Canter, PPI’s Director of Education Policy, and Bruno Manno, Senior Advisor of PPI’s What Works Lab, “A Practical Guide to Work-Based Learning: Lessons from Six Programs at the Cutting-Edge of Career Education,” highlights six innovative career education programs across the country. While these programs differ in student demographics, geography, and industry focus, they all reflect a model called opportunity pluralism, an idea that young adults should have more than one credible route to a good and dignified life.

“The best work-based learning programs give students’ high school experience purpose by authentically connecting academic learning to their career field of interest,” said Canter. “With proper infrastructure, these programs can transform children’s lives and better prepare them for their lives after high school graduation.”

To expand the number of career and technical education programs that offer high-quality work-based learning nationwide, Canter and Manno outline recommendations for policymakers, school leaders, employers, and philanthropies:

Policymakers should

  • Treat work-based learning as a core part of high school design, not as an optional enrichment activity.
  • Fund the real costs of earn-and-learn programs.
  • Create more opportunities for industry experts to teach or supervise career-related coursework.
  • Support regional collaboration.

School leaders should

  • Recognize that work-based learning is a systems problem, not simply a scheduling problem.
  • Design pathways backward from meaningful experiences.
  • Start small and focused.

Industry should

  • View earn-and-learn programs as part of their talent strategy.
  • Begin with manageable commitments like job shadows, workplace visits, short projects, or summer internships.
  • Strengthen programs by participating early in pathway design.

Philanthropy should

  • Help earn-and-learn programs move from idea to implementation.
  • Invest not only in program grants but in systems and structures.
  • Convene partners.

“These programs cannot be seen as merely an add-on,” said Manno. “Policymakers, schools, industry, and philanthropic partners must take action to help work-based learning move beyond a niche offering to part of a widespread career and technical education system that ensures student success.”

Read and download the report here.

The Reinventing America’s Schools Project seeks to refocus national leadership around proven strategies to improve public schools and educational achievement. We believe that American public schools must prepare children academically to be successful adults and citizens; families should have a voice in their child’s education, including a choice within the public system to find a school that best fits their child’s needs; and, though education is the province of the states, the federal government must protect the promise that every child will have access to a quality public education.

The What Works Lab (WWL) gathers evidence on the effectiveness of programs that create education and training career pathways to jobs and opportunities for students and workers. This information helps policymakers, practitioners, employers, and other stakeholders foster continuous learning and enhance the effectiveness of career pathways programs.

Founded in 1989, PPI is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Find an expert and learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.org. Follow us at @ppi.

###

Media Contact: Ian O’Keefe – iokeefe@ppionline.org

A Practical Guide to Work-Based Learning: Lessons from Six Programs at the Cutting-Edge of Career Education

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Career education programs that include work-based learning are becoming an important part of American high schools. At their best, these programs connect classroom learning with real work experience, giving students a chance to explore careers, build practical skills, learn workplace habits, and understand how academic knowledge is used beyond school.

Increasingly, the most promising models connect school, work, and postsecondary preparation through career pathways that allow students to gain real experience while still in high school. Students may participate in job shadowing, internships, apprenticeships, simulated workplaces, or service-learning projects. The strongest programs are not simply jobs for students. In high-quality programs, students perform real tasks, receive adult supervision and feedback, work toward clear learning goals, and connect the experience to a broader pathway that may include credentials, college credit, further training, or employment. They are structured learning experiences tied to school goals, employer expectations, and future educational or career opportunities.

These programs reflect a broader movement toward a model we call opportunity pluralism. The idea is that young people should have more than one credible route to a good and dignified life. In K-12 education, opportunity pluralism means moving beyond a single expected path from high school to a four-year college and then to a career. It supports multiple pathways that combine academic knowledge, career-oriented skills, credentials, and professional networks. Unlike old-style vocational tracking, which too often narrowed opportunity, opportunity pluralism aims to expand it such that students leave high school not only with a diploma but also with college credit. That includes college credit, industry-recognized credentials, supervised work experience, employer relationships, and a clearer sense of what comes next.

This report draws on interviews with leaders from six work-based learning programs across the country: CAST Schools in San Antonio, Texas; the Career Academy Network of Public Charter Schools in South Bend, Indiana; the Fremont Multidistrict Initiative in rural Colorado; Launchpad Philly with Building21 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Purdue Polytechnic Charter High Schools in Indiana; and the Rural Alliance Zone, or RAZ32, in Randolph County, Indiana. These programs differ in structure, geography, governance, and industry focus, yet they point to a common lesson: Work-based learning succeeds when schools and communities work together to build the structures and systems that allow young people to move effectively between classrooms and workplaces.

The programs profiled here show that these models require more than willing schools and employers or motivated students. They depend on bigger system conditions that many states cannot yet offer for schools: state graduation and accountability policies that recognize work-based learning; dedicated funding for costs that traditional school budgets often overlook; flexibility in teacher licensure and staffing; strong employer partnerships; full-time personnel to manage relationships; and transportation plans that allow students to reach placements. When these conditions are missing, schools must create workarounds. When they are present, career pathways can become permanent systems rather than isolated opportunities. With this in mind, the report concludes with recommendations directed to policymakers, school leaders, employers, and philanthropy.

Read the full report.

Jacoby on CNN: The impact of Ukraine Patriot System Manufacturing and What It Is Like to Endure a Russian Attack

Jacoby appeared on CNN to discuss her experience of the Russian bombardment of Kyiv on the July 2 Russian bombardment of Kyiv. She described navigating the attacks firsthand and addressed the pending approval for Ukraine to begin manufacturing Patriot interceptors to strengthen its defense capabilities. Also, Jacoby noted that this approval remains contingent on President Trump, highlighting that while his current support is encouraging, uncertainty persists regarding his long-term commitment and the level of cooperation from industry partners.

Manno for FEWeek: England’s apprenticeship rethink should look across the Atlantic

When skills minister Jacqui wrote to Skills England on June 22 to commission an urgent review of apprenticeship funding, she did something British ministers rarely do. She admitted a well-intentioned policy produced the opposite of its intended result, concluding “…the apprenticeship system is in need of reform.”

Apprenticeships among 16–24-year-olds fell by 40 per cent over the previous decade. More than half of new apprenticeships went to learners over 25. An employer levy to open the career ladder became a way to subsidize incumbent workers. The first rung of the career ladder was missing.

Across the Atlantic, the U.S. was watching, though not carefully. It never had a national apprenticeship system. It has a patchwork of federal goals that shift with presidential administrations, federally registered programs, state agencies, and industry intermediaries.

Read more in FEWeek

Moss for Inc.: The $10-Billion Takeover That Could Change Local Auto Repair Shops Forever

[…]

The retail auto parts market is dominated by four major competitors: O’Reilly, NAPA, AutoZone, and Advance Auto Parts. A combination of O’Reilly and NAPA would sharply change that structure, notes Diana Moss, vice president and director of competition policy at the Progressive Policy Institute.

“Antitrust enforcers will carefully examine this deal because it reduces the number of rivals, increases concentration, and changes competitive incentives,” Moss told Inc. “Enforcers will look at how the merger eliminates head-to-head competition between NAPA and O’Reilly.”

She said regulators would likely examine both national competition and local markets, much as they do in retail grocery mergers. The risk, Moss says, is that fewer major rivals could lead to higher prices, less choice, lower quality, less variety, and slower innovation.

That lands at a difficult moment for consumers. Auto parts have already become more expensive, Moss says, citing tariffs, supply chain disruptions, patent protection, and right-to-repair restrictions. “In sum, the merger spells even more pricing pressure for U.S. consumers, at the worst possible time,” Moss says.

[…]

Read More in Inc.

32 of the world’s 100 tallest buildings to open by the end of 2028

FACT: 32 of the world’s 100 tallest buildings to open by the end of 2028.

THE NUMBERS: World’s tallest building by date* –-

 

          2028?    3,281 feet (Jeddah Tower, Saudi Arabia)
2010   2,716 feet (Burj Khalifa, UAE)
2004   1,666 feet (Taipei 101, Taipei)
1998   1,482 feet (Petronas Towers, Kuala Lumpur)
1974   1,450 feet (Sears Tower, Chicago; now “Willis Tower”)
1972   1,368 feet (World Trade Center, New York)
1931   1,250 feet (Empire State Building, New York)
1930   1,046 feet (Chrysler Building, New York)
1913      792 feet (Woolworth Building, New York)
1908      612 feet (Singer Building, New York)
1901      548 feet (City Hall, Philadelphia)
1311      525 feet** (Lincoln Cathedral, U.K.)
    ~2550 BC:      481 feet (Great Pyramid, Egypt)

* Council on Tall Buildings and Urban Habitat. Their list doesn’t count free-standing towers like the 555-foot Washington Monument (1884), the 986-foot Eiffel Tower (1889), or the Great Pyramid. The Lincoln Cathedral’s height is a modern best guess, as the original spire fell down in 1548.

WHAT THEY MEAN: 

Having topped 100 floors last month, the Jeddah Tower on the Arabian coast will add 67 more by its mid-2028 opening date. At exactly a thousand meters (3281 feet), it will overtop the world’s current tallest building (Burj Khalifa on the other side of the peninsula in Dubai, which has held the “tallest building” title for 16 years) by 172 meters. For context, the Mt. Everest peak is about 3600 meters above the Tibetan plateau. A rundown on giant buildings:

A generation ago, in 1990, according to the New York-based Council on Tall Buildings and Urban Habitat, the U.S. was home to 87 of the world’s 100 tallest buildings, including 9 of the top 10. Seventeen U.S. cities had at least one top-100 building Since then, computer-aided design and new materials — twisted facades instead of “rectangular block” silhouettes to reduce wind torque and stress; lightweight aluminum and titanium alloy cladding to resist heat; specialized concretes chemically designed to flow easily up through spouts — have (a) given architects wholly new ways to combine space, glass, and metal, (b) replaced all but five of the 100 buildings on the 1990 list, and (c) enabled builders in other countries, especially China, to metaphorically put the American skyline a bit in the shade. Looking ahead to 2028, and assuming no unexpected cancellations, the top 100 will look like this:

(1) 53 in mainland China, 3 in Hong Kong. In 1980, mainland China’s tallest building was the Shanghai Exhibition Center, at a meager 361 feet or 115 meters. Now China is home to 46 of the world’s 100 tallest buildings, and five of the top ten. At the very top, the Shanghai Tower (2015, 2073 feet) joins Merdeka 118 in Kuala Lumpur, Burj Khalifa, and the Makkah Royal Clock Tower among the four officially recognized “mega skyscrapers” (i.e., buildings above 1,968 feet). Hong Kong currently has another five, though two will drop off the bottom of the list by 2028.

(2) 13 in the United Arab Emirates, including the top-ranked Burj Khalifa. If you count by cities rather than countries, Dubai will be the world leader with 15, followed by Shenzhen’s 12, New York’s 9, and Shanghai’s 7.

(3) 10 in the United States. The Council’s lists go back to 1890, just before America’s urban skyscraper boom. That year’s top 100 featured 20 American buildings, topped by the Illinois State Capitol at #23. Thus, the current U.S. share looks like the lowest since the mid-19th century. As of 2028, all 10 of the U.S. top-100 entries will be in New York and Chicago; One World Trade Center will rank 8th at 1,776 feet. The American skyline’s rise and (relative) eclipse:

Year     U.S. Top-100 Building Count
2028                                             10
2024                                             14
2020                                             14
2010                                             29
2000                                             47
1990                                             87
1950                                             91
1930                                             89
1900                                             38
1890                                             20

(4) 21 elsewhere: Malaysia has four top-100 buildings, including second-ranked Merdeka 118 and the joint 1998-2004 record-holders, Petronas Towers. Saudi Arabia will have three when the Jeddah Tower opens, followed by Korea, Taiwan, and Russia with three each. Japan, Vietnam, Kuwait, Egypt, and Indonesia have one apiece. By 2028, Mexico’s Torre Rise and Cote d’Ivoire’s Tour F (said to be modeled on West African ceremonial masks) will join the list.

If it’s a consolation, though the American skyline may no longer tower over its rivals, the U.S.’s intellectual role in skyscraper design and construction remains large. Chicago-based Adrian Smith & Gordon Gill handled architectural design for both the Jeddah Tower and Burj Khalifa. (They seem cost-effective: the J.T. is supposed to cost $1.2 billion, only twice the $600 million estimate for the Trump administration’s “ballroom.”) New York-based Leslie E. Robertson Associates has the world’s most ambitious concept piece, though it seems unlikely to get built: a 5,700-foot “Sky Mile Tower” in Tokyo, nearly twice as high as Jeddah Tower and burying every conceivable competitor.

FURTHER READING

PPI’s four principles for response to tariffs and economic isolationism:

  • Defend the Constitution and oppose rule by decree;
  • Connect tariff policy to growth, work, prices and family budgets, and living standards;
  • Stand by America’s neighbors and allies;
  • Offer a positive alternative.

New York’s Council on Tall Building and Urban Habitat lists the world’s 100 tallest buildings from 2026 back to 1890.

Now:

The Jeddah Tower.

Burj Khalifa, record-holder since 2010, has 160 floors, a spiral shape to minimize upper-story wind torque, and specialized glass and heat-resistant glazed aluminum/stainless steel cladding on the outer walls.

Malaysia’s Merdeka 118 ranks second.

New York’s One World Trade Center (2014) is currently the world’s 7th-highest building at 1776 feet, and likely 8th in 2030.

And the ‘vision’ outline of the imaginary Tokyo Sky Mile Tower. On a clear day, a viewer on the top floor could see Mt. Fuji 62 miles away.

Then:

A brief survey of tall-building record-holders and techniques —

1.  Pyramids & Ziggurats: The 481-foot Great Pyramid outside Cairo held the world’s tallest record for 3,800 years. Not just a lame pile of rocks, it is a “smart pyramid” with a complex interior network of chambers, tunnels, and ventilation shafts meant for ceremonial, religious, and astronomical purposes. All point to sophisticated, though unrecorded, ancient Egyptian architectural drafting and engineering capacity. Since the Council limits its top-100 lists to some sort of occupancy beyond “single corpse,” neither pyramids nor free-standing towers like the Eiffel make the cut. But if they did, the G.P. would have held the record for nearly 3,000 years, and remained in the top 10 as late as 1900. The slightly younger ziggurats in neighboring Sumer and Akkad were made of brick, a squishier material, and topped out at around 170 feet.

2.  Cathedrals: Designed without printing presses, standardized weights and measures, or mathematics beyond flat-plane geometry, cathedrals got started in the 11th century and overtook pyramids by 1310. Contemporary comment:

“It was as though the world had shaken herself and cast off her old age, and clothed herself everywhere in a white garment of churches…”

Except for Philadelphia’s City Hall (548 feet, 1901) and Turin’s Mole Antonelliana (originally meant as a synagogue, but opened as a Risorgimento civic building in 1890), cathedrals remain the world’s tallest stone on stone buildings. The Ulm Munster (1890) is the tallest existing one.

3.  Skyscrapers: As noted above, stone buildings can’t get much above 500 feet, since the weight of the upper tiers will crack the load-bearing pillars and walls beneath. Steel-skeleton buildings with curtain walls designed in Chicago and New York — blueprints, slide rules, etc. — solved the height problem, while the Otis hydraulic elevator system settled the 50-story-climb-to-the-top challenge. The Empire State Building, looking ahead to its 2031 centennial, has a retrospective.

ABOUT ED

Ed Gresser is Vice President and Director for Trade and Global Markets at PPI.

Ed returns to PPI after working for the think tank from 2001-2011. He most recently served as the Assistant U.S. Trade Representative for Trade Policy and Economics at the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR). In this position, he led USTR’s economic research unit from 2015-2021, and chaired the 21-agency Trade Policy Staff Committee.

Ed began his career on Capitol Hill before serving USTR as Policy Advisor to USTR Charlene Barshefsky from 1998 to 2001. He then led PPI’s Trade and Global Markets Project from 2001 to 2011. After PPI, he co-founded and directed the independent think tank ProgressiveEconomy until rejoining USTR in 2015. In 2013, the Washington International Trade Association presented him with its Lighthouse Award, awarded annually to an individual or group for significant contributions to trade policy.

Ed is the author of Freedom from Want: American Liberalism and the Global Economy (2007). He has published in a variety of journals and newspapers, and his research has been cited by leading academics and international organizations including the WTO, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund. He is a graduate of Stanford University and holds a Master’s Degree in International Affairs from Columbia Universities and a certificate from the Averell Harriman Institute for Advanced Study of the Soviet Union.

Read the full email and sign up for the Trade Fact of the Week.

Guenther for The Hill: NASA Should Remember How It Helped SpaceX Become What It Is Today

If you’re one of the thousands who cashed in on the historic launch of SpaceX’s stock, you owe NASA a thank you. After all, the company’s trillion-dollar initial public offering is a triumph of public policy as well as a testament to Elon Musk’s talents as an entrepreneur.

SpaceX’s rise can be traced back to NASA’s controversial 2004 decision to transition away from its old shuttle program towards a new generation of commercial launch vehicles to get cargo — and eventually crew — to the International Space Station.

The company was chosen to compete to build one of these next-generation rocket systems and eventually produced the Falcon 9, which allows customers from NASA to the Department of Defense to other commercial companies to launch more frequently and for less than was thought possible.

Thanks to these lower launch costs, America is also now home to a broad, vibrant commercial space industry that is the envy of the world, encompassing everything from the low-Earth orbit satellites that provide Internet to rural areas to the remote sensing satellites that help Ukraine stave off Russian aggression.

Read more in The Hill

As Trump Pockets $1.2 Billion From Crypto, New Poll Finds Voters Want the Industry and Self-Dealing Officials Reined In

Support for tough anti-fraud rules is overwhelming and bipartisan, and it survives the industry’s best arguments. 89% of Democrats say they’d be less likely to back a candidate who lets Trump and his family profit from a crypto law.

WASHINGTON (July 8, 2026)— Days after a federal disclosure filing revealed that President Trump personally took in roughly $1.2 billion from crypto ventures last year, a new national survey from the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) and Democratic polling firm GBAO shows voters want the industry, and the officials cashing in on it, reined in.

The filing, analyzed by the Associated Press, shows Trump collected more than $500 million from his World Liberty Financial token sales and over $600 million from “meme” coins stamped with his face, even as the ordinary investors who bought in were left holding the losses. World Liberty’s tokens have fallen roughly 80%, and the meme coin has collapsed from a peak above $74 to under $2. Trump built that windfall while his own administration dismantled the Biden-era crackdown on the very industry enriching him. Asked about it, the president shrugged: “We’re all profiting.”

Voters see the arrangement for what it is, and the poll shows they want it stopped.

The numbers are lopsided. Voters view crypto unfavorably by more than 3-to-1 (57% to 17%), and crypto companies fare no better (55% to 19%). The hostility runs across the spectrum and is sharpest among Democrats, 69% of whom view crypto unfavorably. Voters reserve their trust for Main Street institutions instead: community banks are seen favorably 62% to 10%. And with the cost of living dominating, crypto barely registers as a concern; fewer than 1% name promoting it as a top priority for Congress, against 45% who name inflation.

That skepticism translates into demand for guardrails, on a striking bipartisan basis:

  • 83% want crypto companies held to the same anti-money-laundering reporting rules banks already follow, including 80% of Republicans.
  • 81% want federal prosecutors and local law enforcement to be given more tools to investigate crypto crime.
  • 71% want federal officials and their families barred from promoting, issuing, or profiting from crypto, including 67% of Republicans.

Crucially, this support is durable. After a balanced back-and-forth weighing the strongest arguments on both sides, the backing held firm. Support for walling officials off from crypto profits actually rose from 71% to 75%, while the transaction-reporting requirement held at 80%.

Even after voters heard President Trump was defended as a successful businessman, a 66% majority, including 55% of Republicans, still wanted officials barred from profiting off crypto.

The electoral implications are hard to miss: against the backdrop of Trump’s $1.2 billion windfall, 89% of Democrats say they’d be less likely to support a candidate who backed a crypto law that lets Trump and his family profit, including 74% of Democrats currently undecided in the 2026 generic ballot, exactly the voters in play.

“Voters have watched the President turn the office into a crypto cash machine while regulating the very industry enriching him, and they want it to stop,” said economist Paul Weinstein Jr, PPI Senior Fellow and Board Member. “They want crypto playing by the same anti-fraud rules as everyone else, and they will hold candidates accountable for any law that lets the President’s family cash in at the public’s expense.” 

The full polling memo is available here.

Based on a national survey of 1,000 likely voters, including an 800-person representative sample with a Democratic oversample (532 Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents) weighted to the 2026 likely-voter electorate. Conducted May 22–28, 2026, by telephone with live interviewers and text-to-online.

Founded in 1989, PPI is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Find an expert and learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.org. Follow us at @ppi.

###

Media Contact: Ian O’Keefe – iokeefe@ppionline.org

PPI Testimony: Trump Administration Section 301 “Forced Labor” Tariff Proposal Misuses Trade Law, Likely Costs Americans $100 Billion/Year

WASHINGTON (July 7, 2026) — Today, Ed Gresser, Vice President and Director for Trade and Global Markets of the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI), argued that the latest proposal by the United States Trade Representative (USTR) to impose tariffs on all major U.S. trading partners under “Section 301” on claims about trade in goods made with forced labor misuses U.S. trade law, and fails to offer any evidence about forced labor imports. Instead, it is merely an attempt to restore President Trump’s illegal 2025 tariffs under a different law, likely costing Americans $100 billion a year.

Gresser, the former Assistant USTR for Trade Policy and Economics, delivered the critique during a public hearing before the Section 301 Committee, a civil servant-level interagency policy review group. He testified that while USTR advertises the tariffs, set out in a June USTR report recommending tariffs of 12.5% and 10% on 60 U.S. trading partners (including the UK, Japan, Canada, the EU, and many others, including nations that already have laws in place banning forced labor) as a way to shield Americans from forced-labor competition, their effect will be quite different. While failing to enforce forced labor rules, they will drive up costs for American families and businesses, such as manufacturers, restaurants, and farmers, as the Trump administration once again tries to create new tariff systems without congressional approval.

“Just as the Trump administration’s IEEPA tariffs last year rested on a bad-faith claim of ‘international emergency,’ its 301 proposal this year uses an important human rights as a pretext for breaching the Constitutional separation of powers and raising costs for Americans,” said Gresser. “This proposal does not meet the standards of Section 301 required to implement tariffs, as it neither offers evidence of actual trade in forced-labor goods nor demonstrates any ‘burden’ on U.S. commerce.”

Highlights from Gresser’s testimony regarding USTR’s report and tariff recommendations include:

  • The report aims to rebuild President Trump’s IEEPA tariffs, which the Supreme Court struck down last February, contrary to Congress’s intent in drafting Section 301.
  • The report lacks evidence that any of the 60 economies are actually importing forced-labor goods, instead noting that there is some forced-labor trade in the world, and these countries are “probably” buying some of those goods. Therefore, it does not establish a “burden” on U.S. commerce as the Section 301 statute requires.
  • The report also lacks evidence that if they were buying forced-labor goods, this would impose a “burden” on American commerce, again falling short of the statute’s minimum requirements.
  • The Trump administration has reduced U.S. government efforts to eliminate forced labor — canceling all U.S. support for forced labor elimination overseas through DOGE last year and reducing the number of Labor Department inspectors to fight it at home.

PPI does not support broad tariff increases as economic policy, noting that tariffs function as regressive taxes that disproportionately burden lower-income households and goods-intensive industries, including farming, manufacturing, restaurants, retail, and construction. Despite administration hopes that higher tariffs would expand U.S. manufacturing, the sector has shed jobs and lost economic share since 2024.

Read and download the testimony here.

Founded in 1989, PPI is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Find an expert and learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.org. Follow us at @ppi.

###

Media Contact: Ian O’Keefe – iokeefe@ppionline.org

Jacoby on Background Briefing: What it is Like to Have Russian Missiles and Drones Heading for Your Apartment Building

Background Briefing with Ian Masters · What it is Like to Have Russian Missiles and Drones Heading For Your Apartment Building

We speak with Tamar Jacoby, the Kyiv-based director of the Progressive Policy Institute’s New Ukraine Project. She was a senior writer and justice editor at Newsweek and, before that, the deputy editor of the New York Times op-ed page. She is the author of The Ukrainian Refugee Experience and as Putin intensifies his bombardment of civilian targets in Kyiv ahead of the NATO summit after a 90 minute phone call with Trump on the 4th of July, we discuss what it is like when Russian ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and swarms of drones are heading for your apartment building