PPI’s Trade Fact of the Week: The U.S. Generalized System of Preferences program has been expired for nearly three years

FACT: The U.S. Generalized System of Preferences program has been expired for nearly three years.

THE NUMBERS: Random sample of GSP imports, 2020 –
Armenia 486 tons of jam & $9.5 million in golden jewelry
Belize $6.5 million of cane molasses
Bolivia 32,700 wooden doors
Cambodia 49 million handbags
Georgia 11,900 liters of wine
Haiti 567 tons of fresh mangoes, 870,000 woven flags
Liberia 5.7 tons of spices
Namibia $5 million in stonework
Pakistan $25 million in sports equipment
Solomon Islands 500 tons of canned tuna
South Africa 217 tons of essential oils
Thailand 27.3 million orchids, 10.6 million rulers & tape-measures
Timor-Leste 15 tons of vegetable oil from Timor-Leste
Tonga  411 tons yams, 182 tons taro root
Ukraine 8 tons of pickles, 316 tons of titanium-based paint
Uzbekistan 430 tons dried peppers, 19 tons dried apricot

 

WHAT THEY MEAN:

Live now at 2 p.m. EST: PPI’s Ed Gresser is testifying at the House Ways and Means Trade Subcommittee. Watch the live stream.

Background: The Subcommittee’s hearing is on the revival of Generalized System of Preferences, or GSP, a program Gresser oversaw as a civil servant from 2015 to 2021.  This is a 50-year-old set of tariff waivers for 119 low- and middle-income countries, from small Pacific and Caribbean islands to big Brazil and Pakistan, for which Congress’ authorization lapsed at the end of 2020. The U.S. for the moment is the only developed country without such a system.

Some specifics: GSP tariff waivers apply to 3,616 of the U.S.’ 11,414 tariff “lines”* for all the countries on the list, and 5,138 “lines” for the 42 least-developed countries in the group.  Real-world cases, noted above, range from Ukrainian paint and Armenian jewelry, to Haitian mangoes, Thai orchids and mirrors, Fijian ginger candy, Mongolian pine nuts, South African citrus, Cambodian backpacks, and South Pacific yams and taro root. The tariff rates on these lines average about 4.8%, and peak at above 20% for backpacks and luggage. Balancing the additional bit of opportunity are 15 eligibility criteria — providing “reasonable assurance of access to markets” and “adequate and effective protection of intellectual property,” “taking steps to afford internationally recognized labor rights” — which Congress asks participating countries to meet.

During its last year in effect, depending on one’s point of view GSP trade made up (a) an impressive $17 billion in imports, or (b) a modest 11% of imports from the relevant countries (given some exclusions of products, the permanently duty-free status of most energy and resources, and some other factors ) or (c) a modest-almost-to-the-point-of-chastity 0.8% of that year’s $2.35 trillion in U.S. imports.  Two policy points for the Committee as Congress considers re-upping and revising it this fall:

1. Set clear priorities: If Congress’ main goals are encouraging supply-chain diversification and alternatives to Chinese sourcing, the GSP program’s benefits probably should be more significant and need to be pretty stable.  So: long new authorization; consider upgrading benefits either by adding products, revising the arcane ‘Competitive Need Limit’ system, or other options; and make sure removals of benefits on eligibility grounds are last resorts for severe non-compliance.  Alternatively, if the top goals are encouraging countries to work on particular policies through the eligibility criteria, think also about adding some value, and about limiting the number of new eligibility criteria and keeping them specific so that administration officials and GSP country governments can focus on the relevant topics.

2. Act with some urgency: GSP’s Congressional ‘authorization’ lapsed at the end of December 2020, and so the program has not provided benefits for three years. As we noted a couple of weeks ago with respect to the Solomon Islands and canned tuna, this means countries in the program, especially smaller and poorer ones, risk losing exports and employment as trade shifts back to larger and often non-GSP sources. At the same time, U.S. government hopes to use the program for particular policy goals, or to encourage diversification of sourcing and reduce China-reliance, remain on hold. So, act expeditiously.

* See the tweet below for an especially kooky real-life example of these “lines,” with a screenshot of the Borges-like list of wild animal tariffs on HTS pg. 12.

 

 

FURTHER READING

Live now, the Ways and Means Committee hearing page.

Gresser’s testimony.

And from 2022, Gresser on GSP Renewal: “Trade, the Poor, and America is Back”

Background:

The U.S. Trade Representative’s GSP Guidebook explains GSP program goals, product coverage, eligibility rules, and country participation.

The Obama administration (2016) evaluates U.S. trade preference programs (including GSP, the African Growth and Opportunity Act, and the Caribbean Basin Economic Recovery Act) and their records on development, poverty alleviation, and policy.

And some international comparisons:  

Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs explains the Japanese GSP.

The European Union

Australia

China’s “least-developed country” tariff waiver.

 

ABOUT ED

Ed Gresser is Vice President and Director for Trade and Global Markets at PPI.

Ed returns to PPI after working for the think tank from 2001-2011. He most recently served as the Assistant U.S. Trade Representative for Trade Policy and Economics at the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR). In this position, he led USTR’s economic research unit from 2015-2021, and chaired the 21-agency Trade Policy Staff Committee.

Ed began his career on Capitol Hill before serving USTR as Policy Advisor to USTR Charlene Barshefsky from 1998 to 2001. He then led PPI’s Trade and Global Markets Project from 2001 to 2011. After PPI, he co-founded and directed the independent think tank Progressive Economy until rejoining USTR in 2015. In 2013, the Washington International Trade Association presented him with its Lighthouse Award, awarded annually to an individual or group for significant contributions to trade policy.

Ed is the author of Freedom from Want: American Liberalism and the Global Economy (2007).  He has published in a variety of journals and newspapers, and his research has been cited by leading academics and international organizations including the WTO, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund. He is a graduate of Stanford University and holds a Master’s Degree in International Affairs from Columbia Universities and a certificate from the Averell Harriman Institute for Advanced Study of the Soviet Union.

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Some Observations on Digital Advertising Prices

One important focus in the current Google antitrust trial is the question of competition and prices in the digital advertising market. In a 2019 paper titled “The Declining Cost of Advertising: Policy Implications,” we examined long-term trends in the price of digital and print advertising, using data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

The paper showed that print media such as newspapers and periodicals had long boosted ad prices faster than the overall rate of inflation. For example,  from 1982 to 2010, the price of newspaper advertising quadrupled, while the GDP price deflator only doubled. In other words, the real price of newspaper advertising actually doubled over those three decades. Published prices for classified ads confirmed these observations.

The paper then showed that this trend shifted with the increased competition from digital advertising. The price of digital advertising, excluding ads sold by print publishers, fell sharply from 2010 through the beginning of the pandemic. Moreover, the share of GDP going to advertising was lower, suggesting gains for advertisers and consumers.

We now extend the analysis through 2022. Figure 1 compares the price of all advertising from 2010 to 2022 with the GDP price deflator over that period. We see that in this period of great expansion of digital advertising, the real price of advertising compared to other goods and services fell by 26%, as the nominal price of advertising fell by 2% while the GDP price deflator rose by 32%. Over the pandemic period 2019 to 2022, the overall price of advertising rose by 2%, while the GDP deflator rose by 13%, suggesting that the real price of advertising was still falling.

Table 1 looks at prices for individual components of advertising. We see that the price of Internet advertising sales, excluding Internet advertising sold by print publishers, fell by 27% from 2010 to 2022.  Meanwhile the price of television advertising, for example, only fell by 1%.

Our conclusion from this data is that the shift to digital advertising has generally been associated with a period of falling real prices for advertising, especially compared to the pre-digital period of rising real prices for newspaper advertising.

Two important caveats here. First, we do not know how well the BLS price indices reflect the full set of prices charged in the market.  Second, this analysis does not speak directly to the question of anti-competitive behavior in digital advertising. However, it does set the broader context.

 

Table 1.  Advertising Prices, 2010-2022
Percentage price change, 2010-2022
Internet advertising sales, excluding Internet advertising sold by print publishers -27.3%
Advertising space sales in newspapers -8.4%
Advertising space and time sales -2.2%
Radio advertising time sales -1.3%
Television advertising time sales -1.2%
Advertising space sales in periodicals 14.1%

Data: BLS

 

PPI Comments on the FTC’s Draft Merger Guidelines

The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) is pleased to provide comments to the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice (DOJ) on the draft Merger Guidelines (“draft Guidelines”), issued on July 19, 2023, in Docket FTC-2023-0043. PPI is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C., with offices in Brussels, Berlin, and the United Kingdom. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. PPI is home to a new center on competition advocacy that features expert analysis and commentary that is rooted in promoting competitive markets and the democratic values that support them.

Read the comment on the FTC’s Draft Merger Guidelines.

PPI Submits Comments to U.S. Department of Justice and Federal Trade Commission on Draft Merger Guidelines

Today, Dr. Diana Moss, Vice President and Director of Competition Policy at the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI), provided comments to the Federal Trade Commission and the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice on the draft Merger Guidelines. The proposed revisions to the antitrust agencies’ merger guidelines are the seventh substantive version since they were first issued 55 years ago. Merger enforcement is widely considered one of the first lines of defense against rising market concentration, which can harm consumers, workers, and small businesses.

“An essential part of strong merger enforcement is the clarity, predictability, and administrability of U.S. antitrust agencies’ guidance on merger reviews. While the proposed revisions commendably strive to invigorate merger enforcement, PPI recommends a number of ways the guidelines can be improved to ensure that consumers, workers, and smaller businesses benefit from the competition that vigorous merger enforcement is designed to promote,” said Diana Moss. 

PPI’s comments highlight features in the draft guidelines that could create uncertainty for the government, merging parties, and courts. For example, the guidelines should give more “balance” to the roles of legal doctrine and economic, technical, and business analysis that enables thorough and accurate merger review. Moreover, the guidelines should provide real-world examples to aid the government, merging parties, and courts in evaluating what anticompetitive outcomes the guidelines seek to avoid.

PPI’s comments also emphasize that the guidelines should clarify that an “effects-based” analysis under the prevailing consumer welfare standard is essential for assessing the potential risks of higher prices, lower quality, and less innovation from harmful mergers. Finally, the guidelines should avoid operationalizing the goals of any particular ideological perspective, otherwise they are susceptible to withdrawal and disruption at a future date.

Read PPI’s full recommendations here.

 

The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C., with offices in Brussels, Berlin and the United Kingdom. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.org.

Follow the Progressive Policy Institute.

Find an expert at PPI.

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Media Contact: Amelia Fox, afox@ppionline.org

Taking on Ticketmaster: Why Competition Benefits Consumers

On this episode of Radically Pragmatic, Dr. Diana Moss, Vice President and Director of Competition Policy at the Progressive Policy Institute, sits down with Russ D’Souza, co-founder of SeatGeek, and Terrell McSweeny, former Commissioner of the Federal Trade Commission, to discuss the Ticketmaster and Live Nation monopoly.

In the episode, Moss and guests outline the Live Nation monopoly story and how their restrictive policies and contracts ensure Ticketmaster is the only ticketing platform available, hurting consumers. Ticketmaster has 70% share of the market and Live Nation has a similar market share in exclusive contracts and in recent years, music and sports fans have been outspoken about their lack of choices.

Learn more about the Progressive Policy Institute here.

New on the Radically Pragmatic Podcast: Taking on Ticketmaster

On a new episode of the Radically Pragmatic podcast, Dr. Diana Moss, Vice President and Director of Competition Policy at the Progressive Policy Institute, sits down with Russ D’Souza, co-founder of SeatGeek, and Terrell McSweeny, former Commissioner of the Federal Trade Commission, to discuss the Ticketmaster and Live Nation monopoly.
In the episode, Moss and the guests outline the Live Nation monopoly story and how their restrictive policies and contracts ensure Ticketmaster is the only ticketing platform available, hurting consumers. Ticketmaster has an estimated 70% share of the market and Live Nation has a similar market share in exclusive contracts and in recent years, music and sports fans have been outspoken about their lack of choices.
“Little or even no choice is cited often as a leading indicator of a lack of competition in a market. And the history of antitrust tells us that dominant firms or monopolies often achieve and maintain their market positions through restrictive policies that limit competition. Live Nation is no different. This [monopoly] is revealed through their policies and methods to disadvantage their competitors, favor their own products and services, and drive fans back to Ticketmaster’s primary and secondary ticketing platforms,” said Diana Moss on the podcast.
Listen here and subscribe: 

The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.org.

Follow the Progressive Policy Institute.

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Media Contact: Amelia Fox – afox@ppionline.org

Ainsley for The Guardian: A centrist Labour is back. But this time it cannot take the working class for granted

By Claire Ainsley

Keir Starmer promised he would turn the Labour party around and give it back to the British people. Three years on from becoming leader, he can credibly claim to have done just that. Research released today by YouGov for WPI Strategy shows that Starmer’s Labour is closer to the public on the issues that matter most to them – and voters perceive the Conservatives and Rishi Sunak as being well to the political right of the British people.

Overall, voters characterised themselves as 4.6 out of 10 on a scale where 0 was leftwing and 10 was rightwing. They placed Keir Starmer as 3.9 on the same scale, Sunak on 7.3, and their parties not far behind with Labour on 3.3 and the Conservatives on 7.6.

Elections are fought and won in the centre ground of British politics. For an often quoted iron law of politics, it’s surprising how frequently it is forgotten by parties that dream of voters moving to them, rather than the parties themselves moving closer to voters.

The Labour party is as guilty as anyone of indulging in this myth. It has only been in power for 30 of its 120 years in existence, with more of its time spent unable to do anything for the people it was formed to represent. Yet in 2023, likely the year before a general election, it is the Conservatives who find themselves adrift from voters. YouGov’s research shows Labour beating the Conservatives in every age category under 65, and in every region and nation. More than half say they will definitely not vote Conservative next time.

Read more in The Guardian.

PPI’s Trade Fact of the Week: Humanity is ‘aging’ three months each year

FACT: Humanity is “aging” three months each year.

THE NUMBERS: Median age* –
Japan 49.0 years
Europe 42.0 years
U.S. 37.9 years
World 30.5 years
Africa 19.0 years
Niger 14.5 years


* Our World in Data

WHAT THEY MEAN:

Writing in retirement at Saladin’s court in 1185, the 90-year-old aristocrat ibn Munqidh goes in for some moping. In his youth, ibn M. recalls, he cheerfully rode off on weekends to spear Crusaders, political rivals, and charismatic megafauna.  Now he’s worn out by a bit of calligraphy:

When I wake up I feel like a mountain is on top of me
When I walk, it’s like wearing chains
I creep around with a cane in my hand …
My hand struggles to hold up a pen, when it once
Broke spears in the hearts of lions.

Yes, well, happens to us all these days.  In that era, and for most of human history, not so much.  Until the 19th century life expectancy at birth was about 30 — that is, only half the public got to 30 — and a 25-year-old expected (on average) to live to 50. Ibn M. was an extreme outlier, having avoided first the pre-1800 40% child mortality rate and then the high chance of getting carried off later on by plagues, accidents, predators, or competent enemies, and making it to his 10th decade.

Today, by contrast, the elderly demographic — already with 150 million people over 80 — is the world’s fastest-growing. This, plus the fact that birth rates have fallen by nearly half since the 1970s, means that humanity is aging. Our World in Data’s tabulation finds this year’s global “median age to be 30 1/2, meaning that (a) more than half of us are over 30, and (b) the person exactly in the middle was born in 1992. Our World’s figure is about ten years older than the 20-year median of 1970 and five years older than the 25-year median of 2000, and is projected to creep up by three months per year for the next half-century. The worldwide medians over the last 50 years, with a tentative estimate for 2050, look like this:

2050      36?
2022       30
2010       27
2000     25
1970       20

Worldwide averages, of course, conceal lots of variation.  Details by region below; but in general, East Asia and Europe are “old,” with median ages over 40; Japan is currently the “oldest” country* at 49.  Africa is “youngest” with a median age of 19 (and turbulent Niger is the world’s single “youngest” country at 14 and a half), with the Pacific islands second-youngest. The other regions are in the middle, with Latin America and the Caribbean exactly at the world’s 30-and-a-half-year average (but aging fastest of all), and South Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Middle East a bit below. The U.S. is above the world average at 39, but aging only about 2 and a half months per year, while Europe adds about 3 and a half months, Asia 4 months, and Latin America 5 months.

So: In Europe and East Asia especially, the next decades’ experience will probably be one in which people (whether or not they start wistfully putting down their spears) start getting tired as they push around the modern equivalents of calligraphy pens. Economists accordingly predict rising demand for health equipment and telemedicine services; labor shortages in western countries and East Asia, combined with lower GDP growth rates with which to pay the new workers; production and consumer booms in India, Africa, and parts of the Middle East; and politics increasingly dominated by arguments over how to pay for health and pensions. Still, as ibn Munqidh might reluctantly agree, better than any realistic alternative.

* Counting countries with populations above 100,000. The Vatican, with about 800 people, is technically the oldest country, with its various Cardinals, secretaries, and Swiss Guards at a median age of about 58.

 

FURTHER READING

  

Our World in Data’s interactive table of median ages by country, region, income group, etc., from 1950 to the present with projections to 2100.

The CIA’s World Factbook ranks countries by life expectancy.

The International Monetary Fund has thoughts on aging, growth rates, and finance,

The World Health Organization on new health challenges.

And Usama bin Munqidh on old age, medieval battle tactics, poetry, calligraphy, Crusaders’ odd gender habits and loony “trial-by-ordeal” and “trial-by-combat” legal theories, the mighty Saladin, etc.

Detail by region

Oldest: Europe is the world’s “oldest” region with a median age of 42 — that is, 12 years above the world median.  Italy, with a median of 47, has Europe’s oldest population with Portuguese, Germans, Greeks, and Bulgarians next at 45.  East Asia, at 40, is almost as venerable at Europe, and Japan is currently the world’s “oldest” country,* with a median age hitting 49 this year.  (Japanese also have the world’s longest lifespan, at 87.)  A bit north, Koreans are slightly more youthful at 43 but aging faster, with Korea likely to pass Japan by 2040 and hold the “world’s-oldest country” status for the rest of the 21st century. Mainland China’s median age of 38 — exactly equal to America’s — is the region’s youngest but rising fast. China is likely to catch Europe in the next decade and pass Japan somewhere around mid-century, as this fall’s Shanghai elementary schoolers begin contemplating retirement.

Youngest: If the median Asians and Europeans are middle-agers thinking about young children and home payments, the “median” African is a buoyant 19-year-old just starting a career.  In the world’s “youngest” country, the median Nigerien (hopefully steering clear of Niamey’s edgy military patrols last month) is a 14-and-a-half-year-old high school freshman born in the spring of 2008. Eight of sub-Saharan Africa’s 49 countries have median ages below 16, and 36 below 20. The Pacific Islands are just slightly “older” as the world’s second-youngest region, with the Solomon Islands and Vanuatu at medians of 19 years, and Samoa and Timor-Leste at 20.

Middle-aged: Other regions cluster closer to the world average. In South and Southeast Asia, median ages for India, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Burma are all just a bit below the world average at 28 or 29. The Philippines and Pakistan are “young” at 24; Sri Lanka and Vietnam a bit older than average at 32. Singapore and Thailand are the region’s seniors, with the median Singaporean now 42 years old and the median Thai 40. In the Middle East and near neighbors, the age range is similar but skews a bit younger: median ages are in the teens in Yemen, the Palestinian territories, and Iraq; 28 or 29 in Egypt, Jordan, Israel, Morocco, and Lebanon; and 31 and 32 in Azerbaijan, Turkey, and Iran. Latin America and the Caribbean, finally, perfectly match the worldwide median at 30 and a half, with Cuba the “oldest” at 41 and Haiti and Honduras “youngest” at 23; Brazil is 32, Mexico 29, and Peru 28.

The United States: The U.S. can look quite young, or a bit “tempered by experience,” or right in the middle, depending on what group you put it in. Three options:

  • As a “western” country joined with the EU, Canada, the UK, Switzerland, Japan, Korea, Taiwan, Australia, New Zealand, etc., the U.S. is very much on the youthful side. All the Asian democracies are “older” than the U.S.; and in Europe, only Albania, Iceland, Ireland, Armenia, and Georgia have lower median ages than the U.S., and none of them by much.
  • As a “Western Hemisphere” country, the U.S. remains for now on the older side, eight years above the Latin/Caribbean average. Over the next 20 years, though, norteamericanos will age only gently while Latin America’s age at the world’s fastest pace. By 2040, the U.S./Latin age gap will be only four years, and Brazil, Colombia, and Costa Rica will all be “older” than the U.S.
  • Finally, in an “Anglosphere” group with Canada, New Zealand, Australia, the U.K., and Ireland, the U.S. looks pretty much average. As of 2023, this group bunches closely together, in a range from New Zealand’s 36-and-a-half median to Canada’s 40-and-a-half, with the U.S. exactly in the middle. Projections to the 2040s find them even closer, all within 2.5 years of one another, with the U.S. “youngest.”

 

ABOUT ED

Ed Gresser is Vice President and Director for Trade and Global Markets at PPI.

Ed returns to PPI after working for the think tank from 2001-2011. He most recently served as the Assistant U.S. Trade Representative for Trade Policy and Economics at the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR). In this position, he led USTR’s economic research unit from 2015-2021, and chaired the 21-agency Trade Policy Staff Committee.

Ed began his career on Capitol Hill before serving USTR as Policy Advisor to USTR Charlene Barshefsky from 1998 to 2001. He then led PPI’s Trade and Global Markets Project from 2001 to 2011. After PPI, he co-founded and directed the independent think tank Progressive Economy until rejoining USTR in 2015. In 2013, the Washington International Trade Association presented him with its Lighthouse Award, awarded annually to an individual or group for significant contributions to trade policy.

Ed is the author of Freedom from Want: American Liberalism and the Global Economy (2007).  He has published in a variety of journals and newspapers, and his research has been cited by leading academics and international organizations including the WTO, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund. He is a graduate of Stanford University and holds a Master’s Degree in International Affairs from Columbia Universities and a certificate from the Averell Harriman Institute for Advanced Study of the Soviet Union.

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New Report: Congress should rethink extending the Durbin Amendment to credit card interchange fees

Washington, D.C. — In 2010, the Durbin Amendment was enacted as part of the historic banking bill, the Dodd-Frank Act, and established a ceiling on debit card interchange fees — the cost that merchants pay each time a customer makes a purchase using a credit or debit card. While this legislation was intended to lower costs for consumers, when studied, the expected price reductions never came to pass, and in some cases, prices actually rose.

Lawmakers are now considering implementing a similar model to cap interchange fees for credit card transactions. Today, the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) released a new report “No Change Needed: Congress Should Rethink Extending the Durbin Amendment to Credit Card Interchange Fees” detailing why extending the law to interchange fees for credit cards would harm consumers.

The report, written by Paul Weinstein Jr., Senior Fellow at PPI, outlines how numerous studies found no evidence that the cap on debit card interchange fees has led to savings for consumers. Furthermore, there is considerable evidence that extending the Durbin Amendment to credit cards would not only fail to provide consumers with any savings, it could actually leave them worse off.

“Despite how well-intended the Durbin Amendment was, the fact remains that the law had little or no impact on prices, and in some cases, may have even led to higher costs for consumers,” said Paul Weinstein. “Extending the Durbin Amendment to credit card interchange fees could ultimately hurt consumers by ending access to rewards offered by credit card providers, and increase security risks for cardholders.”

Read and download the report here.

The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C., with offices in Brussels, Berlin and the United Kingdom. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.org.

Follow the Progressive Policy Institute.

Find an expert at PPI.

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Media Contact: Amelia Fox, afox@ppionline.org

No Change Needed: Congress Should Rethink Extending the Durbin Amendment to Credit Card Interchange Fees

INTRODUCTION

One of the greatest challenges for policymakers is the “unexpected negative consequence” of a change in law or regulation. There is a well-documented history of proposed policies that have achieved successes, but not without negative externalities. Prohibition in the 1920s United States, originally enacted to suppress the alcohol trade, drove many small-time alcohol suppliers out of business and consolidated the hold of large-scale organized crime over the illegal alcohol industry. 

Tradeoffs in pursuit of greater benefits to society are worth the cost if the positives are greater than the negatives. But if the negative consequences of a policy change outweigh the benefits — or actually make the problem worse — then that policy can only be described as problematic and worth reconsidering. The “Durbin Amendment, enacted as part of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2010, has been cited by some as an example of a policy that did not achieve the goals of the authors of the policy while imposing new costs on the financial and debit exchange sectors. Yet despite its mixed record, some in Congress want to extend the Durbin Amendment to interchange fees for credit cards.

READ THE FULL REPORT. 

 

Pankovits for Real Clear Education: Why Are We Cheating Public Charter Schools Out of Funding?

By Tressa Pankovits

You wouldn’t pay steakhouse prices for a fast-food burger, would you? Didn’t think so.

So, why do we send the lion’s share of our public K-12 education dollars to schools that can’t keep up with the financially lean education machines that outperform them?

I’m talking about public charter schools, of course. These free, public schools that disproportionately serve low-income and minority children are the subject of two recently released independent studies. Taking the studies together, pragmatic thinkers might wonder how we could be so indifferent to blatant discrimination against our most marginalized students.

Keep reading in Real Clear Education.

Jacoby for The Bulwark: How to Think About Ukraine’s War on Corruption

By Tamar Jacoby

BIG NEWS FROM UKRAINE LAST WEEKEND didn’t register for most Americans relaxing for Labor Day or busy getting the kids back to school—and for those who did notice, the response seems to have been little more than a tired, there-they-go-again shrug. After all, what’s new about Ukrainian corruption scandals?

In fact, the story is much more complicated and important—and worthy of American attention. Ukraine’s war on corruption is closely linked to the war it’s waging on the battlefield. Losing the fight against graft and influence peddling would doom the new nation Ukrainians want to build as much as a forever war with Russia. And in this case, too, as with the shooting war, Americans and Europeans can help.

Keep reading in The Bulwark.

Diana Moss to Launch New Competition Policy Center at PPI

Washington, D.C. – Today, the Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) announced that Dr. Diana Moss has joined as Vice President and Director of Competition Policy and will launch a new center to advocate for strong competition enforcement and policy.

Moss will build out PPI’s expertise in competition in areas such as food and agriculture, communications, and transportation, as well as supporting PPI’s existing policy efforts with competition analysis on issues such as health care, technology, workforce, and energy.

Moss previously served as President of the American Antitrust Institute from 2015 to 2023. Her work spans the economic, policy, and legal analysis of antitrust enforcement and sector regulation across a range of sectors.

“I’m thrilled to join the Progressive Policy Institute to spearhead a cutting-edge competition policy program. I look forward to continuing my work to expand productive and impactful, pro-competition dialogue with government, businesses, consumer groups and other stakeholders,” said Diana Moss.

“The Progressive Policy Institute is thrilled to have a leading expert in competition policy, Dr. Diana Moss, to join our team and bring the center-left perspective to the ongoing competition debate. We are in the midst of key debates over the future of antitrust reform, the importance of the consumer welfare standard, and ideological differences that can influence policy making. How current and future administrations resolve these issues will set a critical economic framework for our future,” said Lindsay Lewis, Executive Director at PPI.

Yesterday, Moss moderated a panel discussion hosted by the American Bar Association’s Antitrust Section with legal and economic experts, including a U.S. District Court judge and a representative from the Department of Justice on merger litigation under the proposed revised merger guidelines. This fall, Moss will also speak on competition panels on digital technology and innovation at Temple University School of Law and Penn State Dickinson Law.

The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.org.

Follow the Progressive Policy Institute.

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Media Contact: Amelia Fox – afox@ppionline.org

Lewis for MinnPost: Many of the nation’s AGs are in town, and can now decide to refocus — away from high tech

By Lindsay Mark Lewis

Over the years, state attorneys general have become increasingly influential in shaping discourse and political agendas across America. Assuming the role of “top cop” in each of their respective states, their purview rests in the consumer protection space: going after fraudsters, scammers and price gougers.

One mechanism that has grown in popularity over the past decade has been pulling the levers of antitrust law to protect consumers. In this space, in particular, there is a need for a reset. With local economies and family budgets on the line, prioritization is crucial.

As Democratic attorneys general gather this week in Minneapolis for their annual policy conference, there is an opportunity to do just that.

Keep reading in MinnPost.

PPI’s Trade Fact of the Week: First intercontinental submarine cable message: August 1858.

FACT: First intercontinental submarine cable message: August 1858.

THE NUMBERS: Cable data capacity –

2Africa, 2023:                180,000,000,000,000.0 bytes per second
TAT-8, 1988:                                   280,000,000.0 bytes per second
Atlantic Telegraph, 1858:                               0.1 bytes per second

WHAT THEY MEAN:

It’s been 165 years since the first shout across the oceans: The submarine cable joining the United States and the U.K. in 1858, via terminals at Newfoundland and Valentia Bay in Ireland, was as thick as a finger and weighed a ton per mile. The inventors coated a core of seven copper wires with waterproof gutta-percha (the dried sap of a Malaysian tree, used then to make golf-balls and piano keys), then wrapped it in hemp and sealed the hemp with tar, and finally covered the whole assemble with iron wire cladding. Two newly designed steam warships, U.S.S. Niagara and HMS Agamemnon, unspooled the wire and met in the middle to splice the wire together. The cable’s first message, a suitably austere 657-character note from the mighty Queen Victoria to the less admiringly-remembered President James Buchanan, arrived on August 16th after a sixteen-hour transmission:

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, WASHINGTON: The Queen desires to congratulate the President upon the successful completion of this great international work, in which The Queen has taken the deepest interest. The Queen is convinced that the President will join her in fervently hoping that the electric cable, which now connects great Britain with the United States, will prove an additional link between the nations, whose friendship is founded upon their common interest and reciprocal esteem. The Queen has much pleasure in thus communicating with the President, and renewing to him her wishes for the prosperity of the United States.

The cable broke down in September and wasn’t replaced until after the Civil War. By 1880, though, second-generation copper wires centered on London connected not only the UK, continental Europe and North America, but China, Australia, India, Egypt, South Africa, Singapore, Russia, Japan, and South America. The first trans-Pacific cable, from San Francisco to Honolulu, went live in 1902. The first fiber-optic cable, TAT-8, lit up in 1988; by 2002, the modern ultra-pure glass network had replaced copper entirely.

Seventeen decades after the Queen’s first tweet-like message, 60 specially-designed cable-laying ships are busily unspooling new and more powerful cables at a pace of about three per month. Cable specialists Telegeography report 552 active fiber-optic cables as of mid-2023, together making up about 1.4 million kilometers of wire, and 35 new ones this year. These are about the same size as the 1858 cable – about a finger’s width, and weighing more or less the same, but replacing (a) the chubby copper wires with up to 96 hair’s-width fibers of ultra-pure glass, (b) the electric Morse pulses with modulated laser light, (c) the gutta-percha, hemp, and tar with a silica cladding, and (d) the iron sheath with plastics. A selection of cables lighting up this year:

*   2Africa, circumnavigating Africa from the Mediterranean around the Cape and back up to the Red Sea across 45,000 kilometers, with 48 terminals in 33 countries including Italy, Ghana, Nigeria, Congo, South Africa, the Comoros, Somalia, Pakistan, UAE, etc., is said to be the longest cable in the world. It has a capacity of 180 terabytes of data per second, about a million times the capacity of now-antique TAT-8, and 2 quadrillion times that of the 1858 Atlantic cable.

*   FISH (“Fiber Internet Serving Homes in Alaska”), with a more modest length of 276 kilometers, connecting the Alaska mainland with islands.

*   Amitie, linking France with Lynn, Massachusetts, across 6,792 kilometers, with a branch to the UK.

*   Topaz, a Google cable connecting Vancouver and Japan, length not yet reported to Telegeography.

*   Natitua Sud, a 2,680-km wire connecting Tahiti with southern islands in French Polynesia (and building on the earlier Natitua connection to the Marquesas).

Moving from physical infrastructure to daily life, submarine cables are often said to carry about 99 percent of all internet traffic. Telegeography tried to verify this factoid a few years ago and found the last FCC pronunciation on the matter dating to 2013. But they thought it wasn’t a unreasonable guess (though satellite deployment probably brings the share down a bit each year). Whatever the right figure, submarine cables remain the big arteries of the global information economy, carrying most of the $10 trillion in daily currency transactions; most of the U.S.’ $700 billion in annual digitally enabled services exports; and most of the world’s on-line exchanges. The latter includes this email, which has more bytes than Queen Victoria’s message, but by traveling via glass and laser as opposed to copper and electrical pulse took (assuming an average email speed) required not 16 hours but about 1/10th of a second to reach you this afternoon.

 

FURTHER READING

      Now —

Telegeography’s up-to-date submarine cable map.

The International Cable Protection Committee, a consortium of cable operators and regulators, reports on the world’s 60 operating cable ships.

… and a painting version of HMS Agamemnonone of the two original cable ships, and as a first-generation steamship a maritime innovator in its own right.

On MOSAIC’s monthly podcast, PPI’s Ed Gresser joins FCC alumna/telecom policy expert Meagan Bolton and Alaska broadband advocate Christine O’Connor to learn about what’s coming next, closing the digital divide as modern civil rights, broadband deployment in Native American communities and more.

Policy — 

From the White House, the 61-country Declaration on the Future of the Internet.

… and with the Declaration as a point of departure, Gresser’s look at digital trade policy.

Now and then —

What’s in a fiber-optic cable.  The glass, the cladding, the plastics all explained.

The Institute of Electronics and Electrical Engineers looks back at the first cable’s technical advances, flaws, and lessons.

And the U.K.’s Royal Trust reprints the August 1858 message and its arrival on tickertape.  (And a little cheekily defines Buchanan as a “subject”.  Obvious response from the left side of the Atlantic: ‘we’re not amused’.)

 

ABOUT ED

Ed Gresser is Vice President and Director for Trade and Global Markets at PPI.

Ed returns to PPI after working for the think tank from 2001-2011. He most recently served as the Assistant U.S. Trade Representative for Trade Policy and Economics at the Office of the United States Trade Representative (USTR). In this position, he led USTR’s economic research unit from 2015-2021, and chaired the 21-agency Trade Policy Staff Committee.

Ed began his career on Capitol Hill before serving USTR as Policy Advisor to USTR Charlene Barshefsky from 1998 to 2001. He then led PPI’s Trade and Global Markets Project from 2001 to 2011. After PPI, he co-founded and directed the independent think tank Progressive Economy until rejoining USTR in 2015. In 2013, the Washington International Trade Association presented him with its Lighthouse Award, awarded annually to an individual or group for significant contributions to trade policy.

Ed is the author of Freedom from Want: American Liberalism and the Global Economy (2007).  He has published in a variety of journals and newspapers, and his research has been cited by leading academics and international organizations including the WTO, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund. He is a graduate of Stanford University and holds a Master’s Degree in International Affairs from Columbia Universities and a certificate from the Averell Harriman Institute for Advanced Study of the Soviet Union.

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PPI Statement Ahead of Labor Day: It’s Time for America’s Leaders to Recommit to Workers

Taylor Maag, Director of Workforce Development Policy and the New Skills for a New Economy Project at the Progressive Policy Institute, released the following statement ahead of Labor Day.

“As Americans across the country begin to celebrate this Labor Day, we must remember the reason for the long weekend — American workers. While we have made tremendous strides over the last century when Labor Day became a federal holiday, workers are still facing increased challenges navigating the economy and the rapidly-changing labor market from automation and technological innovation.

“This year, instead of a generic Labor Day statement, PPI urges policymakers at all levels of government to recommit to supporting workers across our nation. This recommitment does not mean pouring more dollars into the status quo, but focusing on quality skill development strategies and supportive services, such as deploying new and innovative policies that help workers navigate the ever-evolving nature of our workforce.

“America must invest in workers at an early age and continue to support them throughout their careers, including expanding apprenticeship programs, establishing more flexible postsecondary programs that better meet the needs or workers and their families, and investing in public and private partnerships to provide new ways of delivery learning that are tied to industry demand.”

Last year, PPI’s New Skills for a New Economy project released a framework, laying out these key priorities, among others, that are needed to create a more worker-centric policy agenda.

New Skills for a New Economy, a project of PPI, seeks to promote workforce development policies that level the playing field for degree and non-degree workers. This project plays a critical role in shaping federal and state workforce policy, weighing in on important debates, key legislation, and helping to lift up new ideas and best practices happening across the country.

The Progressive Policy Institute (PPI) is a catalyst for policy innovation and political reform based in Washington, D.C. Its mission is to create radically pragmatic ideas for moving America beyond ideological and partisan deadlock. Learn more about PPI by visiting progressivepolicy.org. Find an expert at PPI and follow us on Twitter.

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Media Contact: Amelia Fox – afox@ppionline.org